Atwood, E. Bagby and Virgil K. Whitaker/ Excidium Troiae.
Edited by E. B. ATWOOD and V. K. WHITAKER. Medieval Academy Books, No. 44 (1944).

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Figure 1

Ri 59r, p. 16, l. 11-p. 17, l. 11

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edited by
University of Texas
Stanford University





New York


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The publication of this book was made possible by grants of funds
to the Academy from the Carnegie Corporation of New York
and the American Council of Learned Societies.





Reprinted with the permission of the original publisher


A U.S. Division of Kraus-Thomson Organization Limited

Printed in U.S.A.

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We are here presenting for the first time the complete text of the Excidium Troiae, a post-classical compendium of ancient history dealing with the downfall of Troy, the wanderings of Aeneas, and the early history of Rome. This edition is based on three manuscripts (described in Section VIII of the Introduction), one of which is preserved in the Bodleian Library, the other two in the Laurentian and Riccardian Libraries in Florence.

The Bodleian manuscript (Rawlinson D 893) first came to the attention of Mr Atwood in 1932, while he was a student at the University of Virginia. Through correspondence with Mr O. T. Holloway of the Bodleian Library he was able to determine that this manuscript contained a hitherto unpublished Latin version of the Trojan War, and to obtain an excellent photostatic copy of the entire text. He included a brief discussion of this text in his doctoral dissertation, which was presented during the same year. The first quarter of the Rawlinson manuscript was published in Speculum in October, 1934, together with a discussion of the mediaeval interrelationships of this version of the Troy story.

Work on the remaining, and larger, portion of the Excidium Troiae was begun late in 1934. At that time both editors were instructors at Stanford University, and their friendship soon led to Mr Whitaker’s active collaboration in the preparation of the Latin text. The subsequent discovery of two additional manuscripts both delayed the work and increased its scope; at the advice of Professor W. A. Oldfather it was decided to prepare an edition, complete with introduction, variants, and notes, of the entire text, and not merely of the unpublished portion.

It is not easy to indicate precisely which portions of this book are the work of each collaborator, since there has been a high degree of cooperation between us in all aspects of our work; much of the earlier spadework, in fact, was done by the two of us working together. Mr Atwood has concentrated chiefly on the first fourth of the text—that relating the downfall of Troy; he constructed a tentative text of this portion and investigated its possible sources, as well as its classical and mediaeval analogues. His studies of the later portions of the composition have been confined almost entirely to the question of sources and derivatives. Mr Whitaker constructed the text of the last three-fourths of the Excidium; he also revised Mr Atwood’s text so as to render it consistent with his own textual policies. Thus the final choice of the entire text, the
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listing of variants, and the study of manuscript relationships have been the work of Mr Whitaker. He also contributed much of the linguistic material contained in Section I of the Introduction.

Sections I-VII of the Introduction, and most of the notes on sources and analogues were written by Mr Atwood; Section VIII and most of the notes on textual problems were written by Mr Whitaker.

We wish to express our gratitude to a number of scholars whose advice and assistance have been indispensable to us in the preparation of this volume. Professors A. A. Hill and W. A. Montgomery of the University of Virginia devoted much time to aiding Mr Atwood in the unfamiliar task of transcribing, reading, and construing the Rawlinson manuscript. Professor Hill, moreover, has on many occasions proved a wise and trustworthy guide in problems of mediaeval research.

In the matters of text construction and textual criticism, we have fortunately been able to profit by the expert aid and advice of Professor W. A. Oldfather. Together with Dr J. A. Catterall (at that time his research assistant), Professor Oldfather read through the entire Rawlinson manuscript and our rough transcription with minute care, making countless corrections and suggestions. His corrections it is, unfortunately, impossible to acknowledge in the notes, since they amounted to lessons in paleography; and his numerous conjectures and emendations were so good that many of them appeared as the reading of one of the Florentine manuscripts after they were discovered and collated. Our indebtedness to him is therefore far greater than the occasional mention of his name in the notes might suggest. With Professor Oldfather’s permission we are reprinting many of his published comments on the Rawlinson text, contained in his article ‘Notes on the Excidium Troie,Speculum, XI (1936), 272-277. Unless this work is specifically cited, the occurrence of Professor Oldfather’s name indicates indebtedness to his unpublished oral or written suggestions.

To the late Professor A. G. Solalinde we are indebted for a great deal of information regarding the Spanish versions of the Troy story and their evident relationship to the Excidium Troiae. Professor Solalinde also called our attention to a reference which led us to the oldest of our three manuscripts; and he kindly lent us a photostatic copy of one of his manuscripts of Alfonso el Sabio’s General Estoria.

In the matter of paleography we have been aided most generously by Professor Bernard M. Peebles and by Professor S. Harrison Thomson. We are relying strongly on Professor Thomson’s opinion of our two later manuscripts, whose classification is dependent entirely on paleographical
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criteria. With his permission we have quoted some passages from his correspondence pertaining to this problem.

We are indebted to a number of libraries for their courteous co-operation: to the Laurentian and Riccardian libraries in Florence and the Bodleian Library at Oxford for permitting the photostating of manuscripts; to the libraries of the University of Virginia, Stanford University, the University of Texas, and Harvard University for innumerable courtesies and services.

Grateful acknowledgment is hereby made to the publishers of Modern Philology, Speculum, PMLA, Studies in Philology, and the University of Texas Studies in English, for permission to reprint (in revised form) material which has previously appeared in articles in those journals.

Finally, we wish to express our gratitude to the American Council of Learned Societies for the generous financial grant which made the publication of this volume possible; and to Messrs S. H. Cross, G. W. Cottrell, Jr., Paul E. Ward, and Robert J. Clements of the Mediaeval Academy of America for their patient assistance in the preparation of our manuscript for the press.

E. B. A.

V. K. W.

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I. Nature and Probable Origin

THE ANONYMOUS Excidium Troiae (ET), contained in three known manuscripts,1 may conveniently be divided, with regard to its content, into three parts.2 The first part, which makes up a little less than one fourth of the text, contains a classical version of the Trojan War beginning with the wedding of Peleus and Thetis and culminating in the death of Achilles. The second part relates the fall of Troy as narrated by Virgil, and gives a detailed summary of the wanderings of Aeneas, taken from the same source. In the final portion, which is extremely brief, there is presented an account of the founding of Rome and something of its early history. Thus the complete text consists of a continuous narrative of Troy and Rome from the casting of the golden apple to the reign of Augustus Caesar. The account is written in a fairly simple variety of vulgar Latin of the early mediaeval period; the organic unity of the piece and the recurrence of certain stylistic peculiarities mark the whole narrative as a single composition. The earliest extant manuscript known to us dates from the end of the ninth century;3 but even this text seems a considerable distance from the original—at many points further than the later manuscripts. In numerous instances the three manuscripts show the same corruptions in phraseology, as well as the same accumulation of glosses and even titles of illustrations, which must have been inherited from earlier exemplars. But even the many scribal accretions seem hardly sufficient to account for the present state of the text. The entire composition appears to be a rewritten version of an earlier Latin handbook, rather than an original mediaeval product. Indications of a classical origin are to be found through the entire text—both in the narrative of Troy and in the summary of Virgil.

The Troy story shows no relation whatever to the accounts of Dares and Dictys,4 from which the great body of mediaeval Troy literature was derived. Instead, it presents a more classical sequence of events, which agrees fairly closely with the ancient Greek epic. The history opens with an account of the Nereid Thetis. She had been loved by Jupiter, who would have accomplished a union with her but for the prophecy that if a son were born to them he would dethrone his father. Jupiter therefore arranges her marriage to Peleus and gives a wedding
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feast, to which he invites a number of gods and goddesses. Discordia, enraged at not being asked to attend, duly casts the golden apple and brings about great strife among the three goddesses, who are sent to Paris to be judged. An account is then given of Paris: Hecuba, before his birth, had dreamed that she bore a firebrand which burned Troy to the ground. Because of this evil omen Paris was exposed in the mountains, and was found and reared by a herdsman. He had won a reputation for great justice because of his fairness as referee in fights between the bulls. Paris decides the contest in favor of Venus, and later goes to Troy in company with his foster-father the shepherd, where he defeats his brothers in the athletic contests. They plan to kill him, but are prevented by the shepherd, who reveals Paris’ identity. He remains in Troy, and is later sent on an expedition to Greece for the purpose of recovering his aunt Hesione, who had been carried away by the Greeks. He abducts the all-too-willing Helen, whereupon the Greeks prepare for war. On being told that Troy can be won only by the help of Achilles, Agamemnon organizes a search; Odysseus and Diomedes find him among the virgins at the court of King Licomedes. The story reverts to Thetis, and the youth of Achilles is told: his bath in the Styx, his life with Chiron, his life with Licomedes and his love for Deidamia. The account of the actual fighting is extremely brief but essentially Homeric: Achilles loves Briseis, and on being deprived of her sulks in his tent until Patroclus is killed, after which he avenges his friend by slaying Hector and dragging his corpse. As a condition for the relinquishing of Hector’s body, Achilles obtains Polyxena in marriage. She, at the instigation of her parents, learns about and makes known the vulnerable spot of her husband. Achilles is invited to the temple, and Paris, from behind the statue of Apollo, shoots him in the heel with a poisoned arrow. Ajax recovers his body, which is given great honors. At the advice of the gods Pyrrhus is fetched from the court of Licomedes, and he arrives in the Greek camp intent on avenging his father. At this point the author takes up the Virgilian narrative of the taking of Troy, and continues with the story of Aeneas’ wanderings.

It will become apparent that this history represents a distinct version of the Troy story and not a piecing together of events from classical sources; and it will likewise be seen that the account could hardly have been originated by the mediaeval writer of the extant version. In order to produce such a work it would have been necessary for him to make up a complete history, classical in plan and order, from such Latin authors as Ovid, Statius, ‘Pindarus Thebanus,’ Hyginus, the ‘Vatican
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Mythographers,’ Servius, and others. So widely scattered is the information in most of these accounts that it is difficult indeed to conceive of its combination in a reasonably sequential order by the writer of a vulgar Latin text so obviously lacking in scholarship.

Most of the story, to be sure, finds parallels in classical Latin sources; yet these parallels are not of such a nature that we can regard them as sources. Hyginus,5 for example, gives an account of the wedding feast, but he fails to mention the inscription on Discordia’s apple or the fact that the apple was of gold; while Ovid’s account of Paris6 omits Discordia and the apple entirely. Moreover, the order of events could surely not have come from those sources.7 It is remarkable that ET makes the starting point of the story the love of Jupiter for Thetis and the prophecy which prevents their union—a circumstance corresponding to the beginning of the ancient epic account contained in the Cypria.8 The account of Hecuba’s sinister dream agrees rather closely with that of Ovid;9 yet Ovid does not connect the episode with Paris’ exposure and subsequent life as a shepherd. The youth of Paris is told briefly in Hyginus;10 yet ET disagrees with Hyginus and agrees with Apollodorus of Athens11 in having Paris sent to be exposed rather than having him sent to his death by Priam and later spared by the servants. For the long account of Paris’ defeat of his brothers in the athletic contests it would have been necessary to expand the brief note in Servius.12 The account of Achilles corresponds in a general way to Statius, yet there are almost unquestionable indications that the story was not drawn from the Achilleid,—at least, not in its entirety. In the first place, the name Odisseus is used, whereas Statius always uses Ulixes.13 Further, ET is more complete than Statius in telling of Achilles’ vulnerable heel where he is later shot by Paris—a detail which corresponds to Servius and Hyginus.14 Yet ET proceeds to disagree radically with both accounts in the manner of Achilles’ death, telling us that he had married Polyxena and that she had revealed his vulnerable spot. Even if all details could have had their origin in extant Latin accounts, it is utterly impossible to suppose an unlearned mediaeval writer capable of selecting and arranging this scattered information in a simple, connected narrative agreeing so closely with the ancient Epic Cycle. We are forced to conclude that ET’s Trojan story is a redaction of a considerably older Latin chronicle of the Trojan War which originated in classical times. The notes following the text, in which a full account of the classical sources and analogues is given, will furnish further evidence to support this conclusion.

We find this evidence of an earlier origin not only in the Trojan history
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but in the reworking of Virgil as well. The mixture of learning and ignorance, of skill and ineptitude, which meets us on every page seems to indicate at least two stages of composition: one a simple yet not ignorant summary of the Aeneid which originated in an earlier and more scholarly period; the other a mediaeval redaction of this story with some additions, including some corrupted and malapropos quotations from Virgil. The author of the original version must have had a considerable knowledge of ancient legends, as well as a good understanding of Virgil. He knew, for example, that it was Iuturna who wounded Aeneas when he came to swear his oaths to Turnus, whereas Virgil only hints indirectly that it was she.15 He knew of the sacrifice of Polyxena at the grave of Achilles, to which Virgil alludes very obscurely,16 and he gives additional information about the blinding of Polyphemus by Ulixes, ‘qui alio vocabulo Odisseus nuncupatur’ (23, 16-17). The knowledge shown throughout is not at all consistent with the bungling which is so common in the present version, and it seems quite justifiable to presuppose the existence of an earlier version from which our mediaeval redaction had its origin.

Evidence of reworking is also to be found in the occasionally traceable omissions of original material and additions of new material. A very patent omission is to be observed, for example, in the passage in which the three goddesses request Jupiter to decide their dispute (3, 21-26).

As W. A. Oldfather remarks, ‘Before Quibus [3, 24] some inquiry as to who the judge should be, has obviously been omitted by the redactor.’17 As for unoriginal material, the most obvious additions are in the form of quotations from the Aeneid. Such are the lines dragged in as a commentary on the judgment of Paris: ‘Manet alta mente repositum . . . ,’ etc. (5, 11-13).18

A further discussion of the spurious quotations will follow (pp. lix-lx); it is sufficient here but to mention them as additional evidence of rewriting.

Indication of an earlier origin is also to be observed in the language and vocabulary of the whole composition.19 There is a distinct residue of pedantry which it would be difficult to assign to the naïve author of the present text, yet which is quite typical of the end of the classical period.20 The rather frequent Greek words and forms seem to be entirely out of keeping with the unlearned mediaeval Latin in which our version is written. Examples are the use of the name ‘Odisseus’ (9, 21; 10, 4; 23, 17, etc.), and of such Greek accusatives as ‘Andromachen’ (24, 16). And we have ‘Et passus manian se armavit . . .’ (18, 9) and
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‘Mercurius in acra Carthaginis venit . . .’ (36, 6), both of which are pure Greek. There are other uncommon Greek loan-words, as ‘parthenos’ (9, 20), and some learned and unusual words, such as ‘comperendinavit’ (4, 26), ‘remanded to the third day,’21 and ‘malaginavit’ (52, 24), from malaginum, a medical term denoting a kind of salve made without fire.

An attempt to date the original version exactly from these remnants of an earlier vocabulary would probably be unsuccessful,22 and it is sufficient to point out that the most likely period for the composition of such a work was that of the great commentators—from the fourth to the sixth centuries A.D.23 The mannerism of asking questions and then answering them is characteristic of Servius and his age,24 and the method of explaining and justifying a mythological statement is distinctly reminiscent of Macrobius. Examples of such explanations in ET may be found on pp. 39, 11-13 and 45, 16-17. The latter passage may be compared with Macrobius’ statement about Mezentius: ‘Ergo quod diuinos honores sibi exegerat, merito dictus est a Vergilio contemptor deorum’25—although the explanation itself is different.

Whatever the date of the original story, we may suppose that it goes back to late classical times and that it was written by a mythographer who knew something of ancient legends. At a later period the entire work was rewritten; but the date and place of the redaction are at present impossible to determine. According to Oldfather,26 certain locutions suggest very strongly that the redactor was French. The regular use of the comparative for the superlative is typical of French usage, although the idiom was Spanish as well, and must have been known fairly early in mediaeval Latin. Examples are the inscription on the golden apple: ‘pulchriori dee donum’ (3, 17);27 Venus’ promise ‘Ego tibi dabo pulchriorem uxorem’ (5, 6); and the statement ‘potentior omnibus [Ciclopibus] Polifemus fuit’ (23, 26). What may likewise be a Gallicism is the use of in to mean ‘in the likeness of’: ‘in Arpalice’ (34, 25), ‘in Martem’ (35, 2), and possibly ‘in parthenos’ (9, 20).28 This is somewhat stronger than the classical meaning, ‘as’ (in uxorem, etc.); but similar meanings are to be observed in Old and Middle French and Provençal.29

ET, we may say in summary, is a thoroughly rewritten version of a not unlearned narrative produced in late classical times, drawn from Virgil and some additional material relating the downfall of Troy. As for the sources which the original author used in addition to the Aeneid, it will be impossible to state a final conclusion. It seems highly unlikely that ET’s story of the Trojan War could have been pieced together from
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such extant Latin accounts as those of Ovid, Hyginus, Statius, Servius, and the Vatican Mythographers, for the reasons indicated above (pp. xii f.): there are no extended parallels to those accounts, i.e., no parallels which run through more than a very short portion of the story. ET, moreover, contains certain episodes which are organically connected with the narrative and which have no equivalent in extant classical sources—episodes such as Mars’ encounter with Paris’ bull, and the contest of Paris and his brothers in the stadium.30

As in the case of Dares and Dictys,31 there is to be considered the question of a Greek original for our version of the Trojan War. That this material is of ultimate Greek origin can hardly be denied, considering the close resemblance of ET to the Greek Epic Cycle of antiquity. It is, in fact, at least possible that the original author of the Latin version drew his account directly from a Greek source (or sources). Although the question cannot now be finally decided, the available evidence can be summarized.

First it should be pointed out that there is little evidence—and certainly no proof—that the author of our account of Troy drew directly from any extant Latin source other than Virgil.32 Even such widely used sources as Ovid cannot be shown to have influenced the author of ET.

On the whole, our narrative shows greater similarity to extant Greek accounts than to Latin ones. Even in some of the colloquial passages (where one would expect originality) there are definite parallels to some of the late Greek Troy narratives. Paris’ conversation with Helen (8, 8 ff.) shows remarkable similarity to a corresponding passage in Colluthus, while Sinon’s proposed deceit of the Trojans (14, 10 ff.) parallels a scene in Quintus of Smyrna. This resemblance to Greek accounts is likewise to be observed in the short history of Rome which follows the account of Aeneas. Rather than follow the most common Latin source, Livy, our version bears a closer resemblance to the accounts of Dio, Plutarch, and Dionysius of Halicarnassus.33 Although it is doubtful whether any of these accounts can be considered as a direct source, this seeming preference for Greek material might give some weight to the idea that the author had access to a no longer extant Greek chronicle of the Trojan War—some highly simplified and popularized epitome of the ancient cycle.

Finally, there is the very noticeable Greek flavor in the language of ET, some of which might be construed as indicative of the use of Greek source material. A number of Greek loan-words may be listed, including some uncommon ones:

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P. 6, 11 ‘agonem.’ Known to Classical Latin at least from Pliny on. But in the phrase ‘agonem populi,’ the meaning is clearly ‘throng’ or ‘assembly’—an ancient Greek meaning not recorded in Thes. Ling. Lat.

9, 20 ‘parthenos.’ Unknown to CL. Note that in our text the word is not declined.

9, 21 ‘Odisseus.’ This form is used except where the story follows the Aeneid—there Ulixes is substituted.

12, 4 ‘trutina.’ CL at least from Varro on.

18, 9 ‘manian.’ Occurs in Cicero and in later glosses; but is clearly regarded as a foreign word.

17, 5 ‘lampadibus.’ CL from Plautus on.

19, 17, etc. ‘zaba.’ Apparently from Arabic; not in CL or CG. Sophocles, Greek Lexicon, quotes examples from 565 A.D., 607, 911, etc. In Du Cange.

12, 30 ‘thura.’ CL from Plautus on.

33, 22 ‘fialas.’ CL from Juvenal on.

36, 6 Ra ‘acra.’ CL only in proper name in Pliny.

11, 12, etc. ‘monomachia.’ Common in post-classical L.

Likewise some case forms should be observed:

P. 9, 9 L ‘Pariden.’

18, 9 L Ra ‘manian.’

24, 16 L Ra ‘Andromachen.’

34, 24 L ‘Enean.’

To adduce all these examples as evidence of Greek source material would be absurd, since many of them occur in that part of the narrative which is taken from the Aeneid. Indeed, some (e. g., ‘Pariden,’ ‘Enean’), may be mere scribal flourishes, since the scribe of L seems to have had some superficial Greek.34 Most of those which survive from the original author may be taken to mean merely that he had a knowledge of Greek,35 and (as Oldfather points out36) that he was a man of considerable pedantry. Yet this pedantry is of a singularly artless sort; we find none of the rhetorical complications, the piling up of citations, or the pseudocritical evaluation of sources so common in those Latin writers who attempt to give the impression of great learning. Indeed, a few of the Grecisms which occur in the narrative of the Trojan War are difficult to account for as mere pedantry, and might very conceivably be survivals from a Greek original. The use of ‘agonem’37 with a Greek meaning, in violation of common Latin usage, seems hardly natural to one who is telling a plain story in idiomatic Latin; yet it is the kind of mistake which a translator or redactor might easily make. ‘Parthenos’ likewise seems a strange substitution for virgo unless the author merely carried over a
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word which he found in his source.38 But probably the most significant of the Grecisms is the name ‘Odisseus,’ which is almost never to be found in other Latin works. Throughout that part of ET which relates the Trojan War, this form is consistently used. In the portion drawn from Virgil, on the other hand, the name regularly appears as ‘Ulixes.’ What is even more striking, in a digression concerning Ulixes and the Cyclops, in which the author departs from the Aeneid, the name ‘Odisseus’ is again substituted (23, 17). The natural conclusion would be that the author is merely following his source in writing one form or the other. Considering the rarity of Odisseus in Latin, there is at least a strong suggestion that this earlier source was a Greek one.

Since the evidence is inconclusive, the whole question of ultimate sources must for the present be left open. The text as we now have it has come through a long period of wretched transmission; its ultimate date and origin can only be a matter of conjecture, since the narrative preserves some elements of great antiquity.39 It should be observed that ET in its original Latin form was almost certainly intended as a handbook for the instruction of the young. The extreme simplicity of the narrative, and the frequent repetitions give definite evidence of a pedagogical intent. Moreover, there occurs with great frequency a question-and-answer formula undoubtedly designed to drill the students of classic legend: ‘Et dicere habes: qui fuit Paris . . . ?’ etc. (3, 27). The entire work, as we have seen, underwent a thorough mediaevalizing at the hands of a redactor; it accumulated some incorrect and inappropriate quotations as well as some naive glosses and some amazing scribal corruptions before it came down to us in its present form.


 [1]  Oxford, Bodleian Library, Rawlinson D 893 (Ra); Florence, Bibl. Riccardiana 881 (Ri); Florence, Bibl. Laurenziana LXVI, 40 (L). The earliest of these is L, dating from the end of the ninth century. For a full discussion of the MSS, see below, pp. lxxvii ff.

 [2]  It is doubtful whether the original version made any divisions in the story. The scribes of L and Ra do not divide the text; the name ‘Excidium Troiae’ occurs at the beginning of L and at the end of Ra. The scribe of Ri designates the Virgilian narrative as ‘Liber Eneydum’—certainly a conventional mediaeval name, but one which was probably not in the original, since the incipit does not occur at the point where the Virgilian material first begins. See below, p. 20, 6-8.

 [3]  For a full account of this MS see E. A. Lowe, Scriptura Beneventana (Oxford, 1929), Plate xxv.

 [4]  Gorra, after an apparently hasty examination of Ri, concluded that the story was based on Dictys. A close study of ET gives no support whatever to this opinion, although there are of course some parallels. See Egidio Gorra, Testi Inediti di Storia Trojana (Turin, 1887), pp. 242-243. For editions of Dares and Dictys, and also for editions of classical works cited on the following pages, see Bibliography below, pp. 339 ff.

 [5]  Fabulae, no. 92.

 [6]  Heroides, xvi.

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 [7]  E. g., in Hyginus the information regarding Thetis and Paris is contained in separate and unconnected fables (nos. 54, 91, etc.); Ovid goes immediately from Hecuba’s dream to Paris’ judgment, omitting the story of his youth.

 [8]  See O. Gruppe, Griechische Mythologie und Religionsgeschichte (Munich, 1906), i, 661 ff. Proclus’ summary of the Cypria begins with the wedding of Peleus.

 [9]  Heroides, xvi, 43 ff.

 [10]  Fabulae, no. 91.

 [11]  The Library, iii, xii, 5.

 [12]  Servius, Commentarii, Aen., v, 370. Cf. note to p. 5, 19 below.

 [13]  See the discussion below, p. xviii.

 [14]  Servius, Aen., vi, 57; Hyginus, Fabulae, no. 107. Cf. note to p. 10, 25 below.

 [15]  ET, p. 52, 16-17; Aen., xii, 813-815 (ed. H. R. Fairclough, London, 1930), Juno says:

Iuturnam misero (fateor) succurrere fratri

suasi et pro vita maiora audere probavi,

non ut tela tamen, non ut contenderet arcum.

 [16]  Aen., iii, 321-323, Andromache:

o felix una ante alias Priameia virgo,

hostilem ad tumulum Troiae sub moenibus altis

iussa mori . . . !

Cf. note to p. 20, 1-5 below.

 [17]  ‘Notes on the Excidium Troie,Speculum, xi (1936), 274. At some points it seems necessary to assume that the original story has been condensed. One indication of such treatment is to be found in the story of Paris’ pretense of being a merchant when he arrives at Menelaus’ kingdom. See pp. xxxi; xxxiii.

 [18]  Cf. Aen., i, 26-28.

 [19]  For further discussion of the Greek element, see below, pp. xvi ff.

 [20]  See Oldfather, op. cit., p. 273. The redactor, he says, ‘was an ignorant fellow, and . . . the author was unusually pedantic.’

 [21]  The unusual nature of this word is strongly indicated by its treatment in the MSS (see below, p. 4, 26). The corrector of Ra makes the marginal substitution ‘procrastinavit’; the scribe of Ri doctors the passage to read ‘competenter ordinavit.’

 [22]  Oldfather points out that the use of the word casa to mean ‘the royal box in the circus’ is known to the Thesaurus Linguae Latinae only from Corippus (end of the sixth century), and the meaning may have been current only in that period. It hardly seems necessary to conclude, however, that the author of ET modelled his use of the word on Corippus. See Oldfather, op. cit., pp. 273, 275. The use of eicere with the meaning of ‘lead out’ or ‘bring out’ (see below, p. xx, n. 35) was common between the second and fifth centuries (to judge from the examples in Thes. Ling. Lat.). That the meaning was current in the Middle Ages seems improbable: it is not recorded in Du Cange; and the combination ‘fuisse eiectam’ (9, 5), ‘to have been led out,’ was obviously not understood by the scribes, who made various alterations. The Greek zaba appears only from 565 A.D.; see E A. Sophocles, Geek Lexicon of the Roman and Byzantine Periods (Cambridge, Mass., 1914). But the word was cormmon in mediaeval Latin and may have been introduced by the redactor.

 [23]  This was also the period of the two most popular summarizers of Trojan history, Dares and Dictys.

 [24]  See D. Comparetti, Virgilio nel Medio Evo (2 vols., Florence, 1896), i, 76 f.; also F. A. Wright and T. A. Sinclair, A History of Later Latin Literature (New York, 1931), Part I, passim.

 [25]  Macrobius, Saturnalia (ed. F. Eyssenhardt, Leipzig, 1893), iii, 5, 11.

 [26]  Op. cit., p. 273.

 [27]  Other Latin accounts besides ET used the comparative form in this inscription; the Compendium Historiae Troianae-Romanae has ‘pulcriori debetur’; in the General Estoria of Alfonso el Sabio and in the anonymous Istorietta Troiana the inscription reads ‘pulchriori detur’—evidently quoted from
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a mediaeval Latin account bearing some relation to ET. For discussion and citations see below, p. xlii. On the golden apple and its various inscriptions see also A. G. Solalinde, ‘El Juicio de Paris en el “Alexandre” y en la “General Estoria,” ’ Revista de Filología Española, xv (1928), 7-8.

 [28]  See below, p. xvii and p. xx, n. 38.

 [29]  See the note to p. 9, 20 below.

 [30]  These episodes are analyzed in section IV below.

 [31]  The discovery of a Greek original for Dictys adds weight to the supposition that Dares also was derived from a Greek source; but the question has not been finally decided. See, among others, G. Körting, Dictys und Dares (Halle, 1871); N. E. Griffin, Dares and Dictys (Baltimore, 1907) and ‘The Greek Dictys,’ Amer. Journ. Phil., xxix (1908), 329-335.

 [32]  The best case could probably be made out for the Achilleid of Statius, in the episode of the discovery of Achilles. Yet even here, as has been shown on p. xiii, there are some considerations which make it difficult to consider Statius a direct source.

 [33]  See below, p. lxxii. The use of Greek source material on Roman history was not uncommon at the end of the classical period; one need but recall Jerome’s Roman chronicle, which was drawn mostly from Eusebius. That Greek material might conveniently be combined with the Aeneid appears clearly in the fourth or fifth century work Origo Gentis Romanae, in which the author supplements Virgil by means of excerpts from Dionysius and others. Ed. Hermann Peter, Berichte der Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig, Phil.-Hist. Klasse, lxiv (1912), 71-165.

 [34]  See E. A. Lowe, Scriptura Beneventana, Plate xxv.

 [35]  Some of the idioms in ET parallel similar usages in late Greek, although they are by no means to be explained as pure Grecisms. A few of these are especially common in the Itala and Vulgate translations of the Bible, although certainly not confined to such works. Among these is the very frequent use of the present participle in such combinations as ‘respondit dicens,’ ‘mandavit dicens,’ ‘alloquitur dicens,’ etc., paralleling the familiar λέγων formula of New Testament Greek. One might also note the often recurring coepi + infinitive to form what amounts to an ingressive aorist: ‘cepit eum velle revocare’ (6, 4), etc. This corresponds to the Greek idiom involving ἅρχομαι, and may have some connection with it. Also interesting is eicere with the meaning of educere: ‘reginam de palatio . . . fuisse eiectam’ (9, 4-5). This usage is especially common in the Itala Bible, and may have a connection with a strikingly similar weakening of Greek ἐκβάλλειν (=ἐκϕέρειν, ἐξάγειν). All of these usages were common in late popular Latin, and can therefore not be taken as evidence of literary influence, although collectively they may indicate a preference for that type of Latin which resembles Greek. For discussion of the weakened eicere see H. Rönsch, Itala und Vulgata (Marburg, 1875), pp. 361-362; E. Löfstedt, ‘Lateinisch-Griechische Parallelen,’ Symbolae Philologicae O. A. Danielsson Octogenario Dicatae (Upsala, 1932), pp. 179 ff., and Syntactica (2 vols., Lund, 1928-33), ii, 445 ff. On coepi see ibid., ii, 450 ff.

 [36]  Op. cit., pp. 272 f.

 [37]  This is evidently the original reading, although the word appears in two of the MSS (L and Ri) as ‘agmen.’

 [38]  The word is not recorded at all in Harper. It should be pointed out, however, that the word occurs in the title of a fourth-century poem, in a phrase strikingly similar to that found in our text: ‘Verba Achillis in parthenone, cum tubam Diomedis audisset.’ Poetae Latini Minores ed. Aem. Baehrens (6 vols., Leipzig, 1879-86), iv, 322. Could this, as well as the ‘in parthenos’ of ET, represent an attempt to render into Latin a Greek locution pertaining to the disguise of Achilles?

 [39]  It is possible that a study of some of the episodes would throw light on the period in which the story took its original form. For example, if we are to assume that the story is a Roman product, the account of the Greek athletic sports in the circus (5, 19 ff.) seems suggestive of the early Empire, since in later times these sports were pursued in separate stadia rather than in the circus. The account of the free participation of the King’s sons in the contests is no doubt a Greek touch, since it suggests a prestige which the Greek sports never enjoyed in Rome. On this see L. Friedländer, Darstellungen aus der Sittengeschichte Roms (9th ed., Leipzig, 1919-20), ii, 24 and 145 ff.

 [[ Print Edition Page No. xxi ]] 

II. The Troy Story in the Excidium Troiae and the Problem of an ‘Enlarged Roman de Troie

It has long been known to scholars that a number of vernacular versions of the Troy story contain certain departures from the Dares-Dictys narrative which seem to indicate a common origin. Before discussing the relationship of the Excidium Troiae to other mediaeval Troy narratives, it will be necessary to summarize the hypotheses already advanced for the explanation of this unknown source material

The problem began with a study of the Middle English poem The Seege or Batayle of Troye. A. Zietsch,1 the first to concern himself with the poem, stated that Dares was the chief source, although he pointed out (but did not explain) a number of divergences. W. Greif,2 observing numerous correspondences between the Seege and Benoit’s Roman de Troie, held that the Roman must also have been used to a considerable extent; and observing, moreover, several close similarities between the English poem, the Trojanische Krieg of Konrad von Würzburg, the Old Norse Trójumanna Saga, and some other versions, in details connected with the life of Paris, postulated the existence of a common Latin source for at least this part of the story. E. T. Granz,3 attempting to account for all the corresponding details, held that an expanded recension of the Roman de Troie was the common source of the accounts, allowing, however, that the English poet made independent use of Dares. The theory was further developed by C. H. A. Wager,4 who by means of a comparative study of the Seege, the Trojanische Krieg, the Trójumanna Saga, and the Old Bulgarian Trojanska Priča, attempted to show that the source common to all was a reworking of the Roman de Troie, partly expanded and partly condensed. G. L. Hamilton,5 after a comparison of parts of the Confessio Amantis with the Trojanische Krieg, attempted to point out that Gower also made extended use of the ‘enlarged Roman de Troie’ in his account of Achilles.

The whole hypothesis, already grown somewhat topheavy, was valiantly attacked by Miss M. E. Barnicle in her edition of the Seege.6 The ‘enlarged Roman de Troie’ in her opinion was a myth; there was no common source for the accounts mentioned other than a common knowledge of the extant Latin classics. The material interpolated varies so widely in arrangement and general treatment that the postulation of an extended Roman as a main source is a hindrance rather than an aid. Additions of material not found in Dares or Benoit are to be explained on the ground of ‘raw material in the shape of a well-known and widely disseminated
 [[ Print Edition Page No. xxii ]] 
legend rehandled as each writer saw fit’ (p. lxvi). Correspondences between the various mediaeval versions therefore simply mean that each writer ‘had a knowledge of Dares, Benoit, Ovid, Statius, or whatever was used as the ground source plus a knowledge of classical legends, such as the Youth of Achilles, the Youth of Paris, etc.’ (p. lxxiv). No intermediate stage need have existed save the growth and operation of tradition—meaning, apparently, oral tradition. This we are led to believe from Miss Barnicle’s mention of the William Tell legend and the Story of the Seven Sages, which she compares to material found in the various Troy stories.

Let us examine first the possibility of a common source for the Seege or Batayle of Troye, the Trojanische Krieg, and the other related versions which have been mentioned. The evidence for such a source is briefly this: toward the beginning of these accounts, which are all recensions of Dares or Benoit, there occur a number of details and episodes not to be found in either of those two sources. Although not all the details occur in all the versions in question, yet there are several cases in which two or three of the versions agree against Dares and Benoit. These are, according to the combined studies of Granz and Wager: (1) Priam’s attempt to regain Hesione; (2) the dream of Hecuba and the birth of Paris; (3) the life of Paris in the fields; (4) his judgment of the goddesses; (5) Paris’ visit to Greece and the carrying off of Helen; and (6) the youth of Achilles.

First of all, it should be pointed out that not all the correspondences noted by the exponents of an expanded Roman de Troie are of any significance. Priam’s attempt to regain his sister Hesione, although it is common to both the Seege and Konrad, is not radically different from the account contained in the extant Roman de Troie. Benoit relates7 that Priam, after the rebuilding of Troy, summons a parliament to consider the problem of recovering Hesione, who had been carried away by Hercules and given to Telamon. After some deliberation he decides to send Antenor as a messenger to the Greeks, demanding that Hesione be restored to him. Antenor makes his demand to Peleus, Telamon, Castor and Pollux, and Nestor in turn, but with no success. Now, the Seege8 tells that Priam calls his parliament and proposes war against the Greeks, while the parliament favors peace, provided Hesione be restored. Antenor makes his demand before all the Greeks assembled at one spot, seemingly at the court of Hercules,9 and is duly told to leave, as in Dares and Benoit. Konrad likewise has Priam favor war while the parliament favors peace, and he makes Antenor visit all the Greeks together at the
 [[ Print Edition Page No. xxiii ]] 
court of Telamon in Salamis.10 The obvious difference in the place at which the interview takes place seems to indicate, as Miss Barnicle (pp. lxii ff.) points out, individual handling of the extant Roman de Troie. The condensation of four meetings into one is only natural, for in Benoit’s poem the last three are only repetitions of the first.

In the story of Paris, to which belong four of the six parallels adduced by Granz and Wager, we find a number of considerably more significant details. The Seege interpolates the following account of his birth and early life: Hecuba, when pregnant, dreams that she gives birth to a firebrand which burns the city of Troy and all the surrounding country.11 The dream is interpreted to mean that her son will bring about the destruction of Troy. When the son is born Hecuba is touched by his beauty, and when he is seven years old she sends him into the fields ‘to kepe swyn wiþ staf and ston.’ He is brought up as a herdsman, where he takes pleasure in making the animals fight, and crowns the winner with a garland. On account of his wisdom he is called Paris.12 Later Priam hears of the wisdom of his son and sends for him. In an assembly in which Priam is considering the sending of an expedition into Greece, Paris relates that in the forest he had acted as arbiter between four ‘ladies’ for the possession of a golden ball which they had found. He is sent to Greece, carries away Helen, and thus brings on the Trojan War.

No trace of the story of Paris’ youth is to be found in Dares or Benoit; yet the story is contained in the Trojanische Krieg, the Trójumanna Saga, and the Bulgarian Trojanska Priča in essentially the same form as in the Middle English poem. In Konrad,13 as well as in the other two versions,14 Hecuba tells her dream to Priam, who wants to kill the child. In Konrad and the Trojanska Priča Paris is left outside the city and is later found by a shepherd,15 while in the Seege and the Trójumanna Saga Hecuba sends him directly into the keeping of a herdsman;16 the latter seems to be merely a compression of the fuller story found in the other versions. In all four accounts the child is renamed Paris while the Seege and Konrad agree in having this name given him because of his wisdom.17 The Seege agrees with the Trojanska Priča that Paris was seven years old when sent to the fields.18 One of the most striking correspondences is in connection with his life as a herdsman, where, it is related in all four accounts, he takes great delight in making the bulls fight, and always crowns the winner with a garland.19

The story of Paris’ judgment of the three goddesses is told in a variety of forms, indicative, it seems, of varying degrees of dependence on sources other than Dares and Benoit. The Trójumanna Saga follows Dares in
 [[ Print Edition Page No. xxiv ]] 
making the judgment a dream; in the Seege the goddesses come to Paris while he is asleep but seem to be real entities; while in the Trojanische Krieg and the Trojanska Priča it is an actual occurrence, and has considerably more bearing on the origin of the war. A correspondence in all accounts except the Seege is the appearance of the story of Peleus’ marriage to Thetis and the strife caused by Discord in casting the golden apple.20 It has also been shown that in the Togail Troi, an old Irish version of Dares, we find the same story inserted just before the judgment of Paris.21

There have been pointed out numerous other correspondences of varying degrees of significance. In the Seege, the Trojanische Krieg, and the Trojanska Priča, Menelaus is present in Sparta when Paris arrives, while in Dares and Benoit he has been called away before the arrival of the Greeks. A rather important similarity between the Seege and Konrad, the last of those advanced as evidence for an expanded Roman de Troie, is the inclusion in both accounts of the story of Achilles’ youth. Both poems tell of the prophecy that he would be killed in battle,22 of his enchantment in magic waters,23 of his life with the centaur and among the virgins at Licomedes’ court, and of his discovery by Ulysses.

It is almost obvious from the foregoing summary that it would be very difficult to account for all the corresponding details by means of a single hypothetical, all-inclusive source. The theory of an enlarged Roman de Troie is open to at least three objections, any one of which is fatal:

1. The order and manner in which the interpolated events are introduced vary so widely (as pointed out by Miss Barnicle) that it is impossible to conceive of a single poem as a source. The youth of Paris, for example, occurs at the beginning of Konrad’s poem and the Trojanska Priča, while in the Seege it is related after an account of the first destruction of Troy. In the Trójumanna Saga the episode is dragged in, with no apparent connection, just after the Argonauts land at Troy on their expedition to Colchis. The judgment of Paris is told by Konrad as an occurrence following the marriage of Peleus and Thetis, while in the Seege it is an experience related by Paris before Priam and the assembled Trojans. It is evident that no single, all-inclusive romance can account for these divergences.

2. As demonstrated by Greif,24 all the name forms are unquestionably Latin and not French. The Latin declension of names is fairly consistently kept in the Trojanische Krieg and the Trójumanna Saga, and to a lesser extent in the Seege. In the portion containing non-Benoit material, Konrad uses Prîamus, Prîamî, and Prîamô, while in the portion
 [[ Print Edition Page No. xxv ]] 
drawn from the Roman he usually uses Prîant, which is in turn verdeutscht to Prîandes, neither of which forms appears toward the beginning of the poem. In the Saga such forms as ‘til Thetidem,’ ‘var sagðr Príamó,’ etc., are indisputable evidence of Latin origin.

3. Finally, the very nature of the added episodes speaks eloquently against an enlarged Roman de Troie. For, bungled as they are, the episodes are essentially classical in nature, and are clearly remnants of a tradition not only widely different from Dares and Benoit, but entirely contradictory to those accounts—a tradition in which divine caprice, manifested in the wedding feast and the subsequent judgment, was the original cause of the Trojan War; and in which Achilles, rather than the arch-traitor of the mediaeval accounts, is a hero of some importance and dignity. The details interpolated into the accounts we have examined represent an attempt to combine and harmonize the two traditions—a palpably unsuccessful attempt, except perhaps in the poem of Konrad, where the entire first part of the story has to be made over in order to allow the reintroduction of the Greek deities as a significant factor in the Trojan War.

There remains the question of whether the various mediaeval writers drew their supplementary information directly from the extant Latin classics or whether the entire story reflected in the interpolations was known to them in a single, connected narrative such as we find in ET. Miss Barnicle’s idea that these writers made separate use of classical Latin authorities is open to a number of objections. In the first place, although the mediaeval writers all tell essentially the same story, that story is not found in continuous form in any one Latin authority. We would find it necessary to suppose, as Miss Barnicle suggests, that the various versions of Hecuba’s dream and the youth of Paris derive from a combination and expansion of the accounts found in Ovid (Heroides, xvi, 43 ff.) and Hyginus (Fabulae, no. 91). Yet all accounts except Konrad almost immediately depart from Hyginus and agree with Apollodorus25 in having Paris exposed by Hecuba rather than sent to his death by Priam and later spared. There are, moreover, corresponding details which could not possibly have come from Hyginus, such as the statement in all four accounts that Paris liked to watch fights between the bulls in his herd, and that he crowned the victor in these contests.26 For the youth of Achilles the available classical source would be Statius. Yet at some points the mediaeval writers relate a fuller story than that found in the Achilleid—as when both the Seege and Konrad tell of the prophecy that Achilles would die in battle,27 and when the former makes
 [[ Print Edition Page No. xxvi ]] 
mention of the vulnerable spot of Achilles, where he is later slain.28 The idea, then, that the mediaeval writers could have made up a complete story from the Latin authors that have been mentioned appears highly improbable.

Finally, the supposition that these writers drew their information from the Latin classics would place upon them a burden of scholarship which the author of the Seege, at least,29 is unable to bear. The poem is full of absurdities and corruptions of classical legend: Peleus, the father of Achilles, is ‘half mon, half hors’; Paris’ judgment is for possession of a golden ball which four elfin ladies (Saturnus, Mercurius, Jub ter, and Venus!) had found; Achilles meets his death by being thrown to the ground and having swords and knives thrust into the bottoms of his feet. The theory that the author supplemented Dares and Benoit by the use of Ovid, Statius, Hyginus, Servius, and perhaps other sources is therefore incredible.

It has become evident that in order to explain the source relation of the vernacular accounts under discussion it is necessary to turn to a single Latin narrative in which the entire story is to be found; it is further apparent that, in its content, ET shows a very close similarity to the material contained in these vernacular versions. Every one of the puzzling episodes is to be found in ET: the wedding feast, Hecuba’s dream and the exposure of Paris, Paris’ life as a shepherd, including his judgment of the bulls, and the youth of Achilles, including the account of his vulnerable heel.

The evidence for a source relationship is especially strong in connection with details which could not have come from any of the extant classical accounts. In the story of Paris’ life among the herdsmen it is related that he takes pleasure in making the bulls fight, and that he always awards a crown to the victor. The Seege gives the following account:

Bote when þe child sawʒ fyʒte bole or bor,

Or any oþir best, lasse or more,

He hadde gret ioye heom to by-holde

Whiche of heom oþir ouercome scholde;

Þeo child wolde do ilke best to fyʒt

And hade gret ioye of þat syʒt;

Wilke best wolde fyʒte & stande

He wolde him coroune wiþ a garlande

(MS L, 281-288).

 [[ Print Edition Page No. xxvii ]] 

Konrad von Würzburg:

sô vremde pfarren dicke striten

mit den sînen von geschiht,

son lieʒ er sîn engelten niht,

daʒ si dâ fremde wâren.

er wolte rehtes vâren

und tet in guot gerihte kunt.

swaʒ dâ gesigte bî der stunt:

eʒ wære ein ohse, eʒ wære ein wider,

daʒ reht enleit er dô niht nider,

wan er im eine crône

sazt ûf sîn houbet schône.


Trojanska Priča:

Pariž committebat duos boves, et pungebant inter se et uter vincebat, ei nectebat coronam e floribus; uter vero non vincebat, ei nectebat (coronam) e stramine

(p. 159).

Trójumanna Saga:

. . . ok á nokkorum degi, er hann [Paris] gætti feárins, kom til hans griðúngr einn mikill, er hann hafði eigi fyrr sèt, ok barðist við einn af hans griðúngum, ok varð sá sigraðr er Alexandr átti, þá setti Þórr kórónu af dýrlegum blómum yfir höfuð hans; ok annan dag kom griðúngr, ok fór sem hinn fyrra dag; ok hinn þriðja dag komm hinn sami griðúngr, ok mátti sá minna fyrst, er Alexandr átti, ok þá batt hann brodd einn mikinn í enni honum, ok mátti sá þá ekki við, er til var kominn, ok undi þá Alexandr vel við, ok því setti hann kórónu á höfuð honum, ok tignaði hann þá svâ fyri sigr sinn

(p. 20).

The correspondence in all four versions of this detail is a sufficient indication that it was to be found in the original source; and, further, that it had some rather important bearing on the story. Konrad intimates that in judging these contests Paris shows great justice; the author of the Saga seems to conceive of the episode as having some significance, yet he never connects it with the preceding or following events. Now, ET makes perfectly clear the nature of the classical story which must underlie the other accounts. Mars takes the likeness of a bull, overcomes Paris’ animal, and receives the crown; it is by means of this that Paris’ justice as a judge is known to the gods (4, 11-21). The relation of ET to the other accounts is obvious. The fights between the animals serve as a link between Paris’ life in the fields and his choice as arbiter in the dispute between the goddesses. The account given in the Saga of the
 [[ Print Edition Page No. xxviii ]] 
strange griðúngr becomes quite intelligible when interpreted as a remnant of the fuller story given in ET.

It seems evident that the narrative contained in the first part of ET was available in some form to the mediaeval writers whose works we have been considering. But before going into a detailed analysis of the episodes in order to determine this source relationship more exactly, it will be necessary to discuss the relationship of ET’s Troy story to a number of other mediaeval narratives which have not as yet been mentioned.


 [1]  Zeitsch, Über Quelle und Sprache des mittelenglischen Gedichtes ‘Seege oder Batayle of Troye’ (Kassel, 1883).

 [2]  Greif, Die mittelalterlichen Bearbeitungen der Trojanersage (Ausgaben und Abhandlungen aus dem Gebiete der Romanischen Philologie, lxi, Marburg, 1886).

 [3]  Granz, Über die Quellengemeinschaft des mittelenglischen Gedichtes ‘Seege oder Batayle of Troye’ und des mittelhochdeutschen Gedichtes vom trojanischen Kriege des Konrad von Würzburg (Leipzig, 1888).

 [4]  Wager, The Seege of Troye (New York, 1899).

 [5]  Hamilton, ‘Gower’s Use of the Enlarged Roman de Troie,PMLA, xx (1905), 179-196.

 [6]  The Seege or Batayle of Troye, ed. Barnicle (Early English Text Society, Original Series, no. 172, London, 1927).

 [7]  Le Roman de Troie, ed. L. Constans (6 vols. Société des anciens textes français, Paris, 1904-12) ll. 3187 ff.

 [8]  Lincoln’s Inn MS (L) (Miss Barnicle’s edition):

And siþen he made his parlement

And after al his kyndam sent . . .

ffurst þenne saide Priamus . . .

‘y schal heom ðeue a neowe bataile

And weorre on heom boþe nyðt and day.’

And his counsail saide, ‘sir, nay . . .’

(349-350; 353; 360-362).

Note that references in this style are to lines; references to pages, folios, etc., are provided with the appropriate symbol, e. g. ‘(p. 150).’

 [9]  MS L:

Þeo messanger com to sir Ercules,

Þat maister of þat discomfitoure was,

And to sir Pollex and to sir Castor,

To sir Talamon and sir Nestor,

And saide to heom . . .


 [10]  Der Trojanische Krieg, ed. A. von Keller (Bibliothek des Litterarischen Vereins, xliv, Stuttgart, 1858), ll. 17801 ff. and 18004 ff.

 [11]  MS L:

A drem his modir dremede þan

Þat out of hire body a braunche sprang

Þat brennede troye and al þat lond


 [12]  MS L:

Wilke best wolde fyðte & stande

He wolde him coroune wiþ a garlande.

 [[ Print Edition Page No. xxix ]] 

Of alle dedis þe child was wis;

ffor-þy he was called child Parys


 [13]  Trojanische Krieg:

und seit in dô ze mære

dem werden künege Prîamô


 [14]  Trójumanna Saga, ed. J. Sigurdsson, Annaler for Nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historie (Kongelige Nordiske Oldskrift-Selskab), iv (1848), 4-100. ‘Hekúbu dreymði, þá er hon var úraust, at einn logbrandr liði fram af munni hennar, þar fyri þótti henni öll Trójuborg brenna; hon var rædd mjök og sagði Príamó drauminn’ (p. 18). The Trojanska Priča is published in Starine (Jugoslavenska Akademija Znanosti i Umjetnosti), iii (1871), 156-187, with a Latin translation: ‘et auditis his Prêjamuša rex secum reputabat, quid haec futura essent,’ etc. (p. 159).

 [15]  Konrad and the Trojanska Priča further agree in telling that the herdsman’s wife had just borne a son. Konrad:

des hirten wîp dô kindes lac . . .

ir trûren wart vil gar ein wint

dur den hôchgebornen knaben:

si wolte in verre lieber haben

danne ir kint, dað si gebar

(564; 572-575).

Trojanska Priča: ‘et invenit puerum opilio senex, cui uxor pepererat filium, et attulit eum pastor uxori suae et dixit ei: enutri mihi puerum hunc’ (p. 159).

 [16]  Seege, MS L:

And whan þe child was seoue ðer old . . .

His modir þouðte on hire dremyng . . .

And made him to þeo feld to gon

To kepe swyn wiþ staf and ston

Vndur a mon þat better couþe

(261; 263; 269-271).

Trójumanna Saga: ‘ok er móðirin sá, hversu fagrt þat barn var, vildi hon eigi láta út bera, ok fèkk hann til fóstrs á laun, ok var hann þá kallaðr Paris’ (p. 18).

 [17]  Konrad:

dað er geheiðen Pâris

wart dur sîn gelîcheð reht


For Seege see p. xxix, n. 12. For further discussion of this detail see p. liv, n. 9.

 [18]  Trojanska Priča: ‘et cum esset septem annorum, pueri ambo ibant in campum cum patre suo, et ludebant circa pecus’ (p. 159).

 [19]  The significance of this detail will be discussed later. See pp. xxvi ff.

 [20]  This is told at great length by Konrad. In the Trójumanna Saga the account is brief and extremely confused: ‘en er hann [Paris] vóx upp, elskaði hann mjök Freyju, en síðan, er hann vissi um ætt sína ok hann gerði brullaup sitt til Thetidem, þá bauð hann þángat öllum guðum; hon tók upp eitt gullepli, á því var þat ritað, at sú skyldi eignast er fegri væri . . .’ (pp. 18, 20).

 [21]  Published, with an English translation, in Irische Texte, 2nd ser., i (ed. W. Stokes and E. Windisch, Leipzig, 1884).

 [22]  Konrad (Proteus prophesies that a son will be born to Peleus and Thetis):

‘er wirt sô wol versunnen,

dað Troye noch gewunnen

wirt von sîner krefte.

mit sîner meisterschefte

 [[ Print Edition Page No. xxx ]] 

beginnet er ir an gesigen

und muoʒ ouch denne tôt geligen

vor der veste wunneclich


Seege, MS L:

Apon a day Dame Tetes

To þe firmament heo lokid, wiþ-oute les,

And þer heo saw, saun faile,

Hire sone scholde beo slayn in bataile


For the probable origin of this detail in the Seege see below, p. lvi, n. 24.

 [23]  In Konrad Thetis tells Chiron that she is going to dip her son in a certain magic spring (13602 ff.). In the Seege she bathes her infant son in a ‘water of enchauntement’ (1215).

 [24]  In view of the fact that Greif postulated the existence of a Latin narrative similar to ET, it might be well to quote his conclusions: ‘Als Erklärung für alle diese auffallenden Analogieen . . . kann nur die gelten, dass denselben eine gemeinschaftliche Quelle zu Grunde lag; denn die Annahme, dass einer des andern Werk gekannt habe, ist durchaus unzulässig . . . Als feststehend kann ferner gelten, dass jene Vorlage eine lateinische war, wie vor allem die Namensformen beweisen: Discordiâ (K[onrad] 1254), Príamí (S[aga] p. 18, 9), Príamó (S[aga] p. 18, 17), Thetidem (S[aga] p. 18, 26).’ Die mittelalterlichen Bearbeitungen der Trojanersage, pp. 102-103.

 [25]  The Library, iii, xii, 5. It is of course impossible to suppose that this account was used by the various mediaeval writers.

 [26]  Hyginus says merely ‘habuit taurum in deliciis’ (Fabulae, no. 91).

 [27]  See above, p. xxix, n. 22. The Achilleid contains only an allusion to some kind of prophecy by Proteus: ‘Agnosco monitus et Protea vera locutum’ (i, 32). See the note below to p. 10, 26.

 [28]  Seege, MS L:

His modur baþede him verrament

In a water of enchauntement

Þat al so hard by-com his skyn

As any baleyn to hewen yn,

Bote þeo soles of his feet

Þer his modur hondys seet


The Achilleid gives only the vaguest allusion to Achilles’ vulnerability:

. . . si progenitum Stygos amne severo

armavi—totumque utinam!

(i, 269-270).

Brief accounts of the vulnerable heel are found in Servius, Fulgentius, and other sources. See the note below to p. 10, 25.

 [29]  The Trójumanna Saga seems likewise to be an unscholarly product; e.g., in the story of the wedding of Paris and Thetis, etc.

 [[ Print Edition Page No. xxxi ]] 

III. The Troy Story: Further Literary Relationships

Since the Excidium Troiae is clearly a redaction and not an original mediaeval work, it will be worth while to consider the possibility of related Latin redactions of the same basic narrative. Especially interesting in this connection is an account attached to two of the manuscripts of the Chronicon Venetum known as Compendium Historiae Troianae-Romanae.1 Although extremely brief, this narrative shows some remarkable affinities to ET, and it seems quite likely that it was partly derived from the same ultimate source. Although not all the events in question are included, and although the order of the narrative is somewhat different, it will be recognized that the two stories are very close in content. The Compendium begins with a brief account of Orpheus and Neptune and the building of Troy. There follows the sinister dream of Hecuba, who envisions the birth of a firebrand which burns the city.2 Priam therefore decides to destroy the infant, but Hecuba, moved with pity, sends him to a herdsman for safekeeping.3 He is brought up in the fields, as in ET; and there is the additional information that he shows his prowess by conquering twelve robbers. He likes to watch fights between the bulls and always crowns the winner with a garland. When a strange bull is defeated by Paris’ favorite, he crowns the winner; but when the same animal returns and gains the victory, he removes the garland from his pet and crowns the stranger with it.4 At the wedding of Proserpina and Perithous, Discordia casts the apple; and the goddesses come to Paris, since they have heard of the judgment of the bulls. Paris decides in favor of Venus and later, at her advice, goes to Greece in the guise of a merchant. There he steals Helen, and thus brings on the Trojan War. Following the war, there is an account of Aeneas, with no apparent direct dependence on Virgil, although the events are roughly the same. Finally, there is a somewhat fuller summary of the history of Rome.

It is obvious that the Compendium and ET are very similar in their general outlines, and it seems quite likely that the two are to some extent dependent upon a common original. Three details especially are indicative of such a relationship, since, so far as has been determined, they do not occur in other Latin accounts. One is the story of the bull fights5 and Paris’ justice in judging them. Another is the statement in both accounts that Venus took unfair advantage of the other goddesses when she came to make her bribe by appearing nude before Paris and thus arousing in him a burning passion.6 Finally, there is Paris’ ruse of pretending to be a merchant when he came to Greece and abducted Helen.7
 [[ Print Edition Page No. xxxii ]] 
Although the Compendium is probably too brief to have served to a very great extent as a source book for mediaeval writers, it is highly significant in showing that the Trojan material contained in ET existed in other related Latin accounts which would have been available to mediaeval authors.

The idea that this related Latin material was used by mediaeval writers on Troy is suggested very strongly by a study of the Troy narrative which Robert Mannyng of Brunne incorporates into his Story of England.8 Toward the beginning of his history, Mannyng devotes some 300 lines to a recounting of the events leading up to the destruction of Troy. This narrative has hitherto been attributed to Dares Phrygius,9 whom Mannyng cites as his authority. Yet the evidence for Mannyng’s use of Dares consists only of a short sketch (ll. 431-456) of the first destruction of Troy at the hands of Jason. This evidence is decidedly inconclusive, since Mannyng’s information might have come from any of a number of intermediate versions.10

The remainder of Mannyng’s narrative consists of three episodes, none of which is part of the Dares tradition. The first of these (ll. 459-502) is the now familiar battle of the bulls. Paris, son of Priam (says Mannyng), was a keeper of beasts, since it was the custom in old times for knights and youths of noble blood to keep them.11 One day a bull comes from Greece and fights with one of Paris’ beasts. The next day he returns; the battle goes on for many days. Finally the ‘bole of Troye’ is defeated, whereupon Paris awards a crown to the victorious stranger. As in ET and the numerous vernacular versions, this story is designed to establish the competence of Paris as a judge; but Mannyng compresses the story considerably by having the three goddesses themselves observe the battle of the bulls and its outcome. Mannyng’s account agrees very closely with that of the Compendium, which, unlike ET, relates that the strange bull returned to battle more than once.

The second of Mannyng’s episodes is the judgment of the goddesses (ll. 503-612)—but Robert transforms them into ‘þre wicches,’ who ‘in þe eyr dide fare.’ These weird sisters observe the bull fight and Paris’ decision, and marvel at his wisdom. Soon they begin to argue over their beauty, and they agree to let Paris decide the issue. As a prize they resolve to make a ball of some kind, and they request Paris to award it to the fairest among them. Before the day set for judgment the three come to Paris individually and offer bribes. Juno offers worldly position, Pallas offers wisdom, while Venus offers the ‘fairest lady þat now
 [[ Print Edition Page No. xxxiii ]] 
lyues’ (l. 581). After much soul-searching, Paris decides to award the ball to Venus, whereupon the other ladies are ‘for wrayth al mad.’

The source of this episode could certainly not have been Dares, since in Dares’ account the judgment is merely a dream which Paris relates before the parliament; moreover, there is no mention of the bribes offered by either Pallas or Juno. Neither ET nor the Compendium will serve; in the former Pallas is called Minerva and she promises victory rather than wisdom; in the latter the bribes of Pallas and Juno are omitted entirely. But the general similarity between Mannyng and these narratives12 seems strong enough to warrant the supposition that the source which he used had some relation to those accounts.

The third episode which Mannyng presents is the rape of Helen (ll. 613-730). Venus, immediately after the judgment, instructs Paris to prepare a ship laden with riches and proceed to Greece in the guise of a merchant. Paris arrives, and is greeted by Menelaus. Paris tells him that whoever wishes to see his riches must come aboard his ship. Helen hears of this and finally gets leave to visit the merchant vessel. After she comes aboard and is absorbed in an examination of the riches, Paris sets sail and takes her away to Troy. There follows a short account of the towering wrath of Menelaus, and of the expedition which resulted in the final overthrow of Troy.

This episode likewise differs radically from the narrative of Dares, in which Helen is simply captured in the temple, and carried away after a battle with the oppidani.13 But a most interesting parallel to Mannyng’s narrative is found in the Compendium (p. 243), where Paris approaches Helen in the likeness of a merchant, woos her with words and gifts, and finally sails away with her to Troy. An almost identical account is given in the Spanish Libro de Alexandre (to be discussed later)—the only important difference being that Menelaus is absent at the time of Paris’ arrival (as he is also in Dares). One manuscript of the Seege, moreover, mentions Paris’ ruse of pretending to be a merchant when questioned as to his identity,14 and in ET, as we have seen (pp. xxxi, xxxix, n. 7), Paris is mistaken for a merchant when he arrives at Menelaus’ kingdom. It seems quite evident that ET gives us an abridgment of an episode which was originally something like that contained in the Compendium, and that Mannyng must have had access to some form of the narrative that underlies these accounts.

There are a number of other vernacular Troy stories which should be examined with a view to their source relationship to ET. The late Professor
 [[ Print Edition Page No. xxxiv ]] 
A. G. Solalinde pointed out (orally) that the chain of events with which we are concerned was known to the Spanish writers of the thirteenth century, and that essentially the same story of Paris and the origin of the war is to be found in the Libro de Alexandre as well as in some later versions. A brief survey of these works will be helpful.

The Libro de Alexandre15 is, of course, mainly concerned with the fabulous life of Alexander the Great. There is, however, an insertion of some length (stanzas 322-761) in which a complete account of the Trojan War is given, the sources of which have not been fully determined.16 A comparison of this part of the story with ET reveals a striking similarity not only in the choice of events but also in the order of their narration. After a brief summary of the whole Trojan War we find an account of the wedding feast—but it is transformed into a convocation held by ‘dos reys,’ who remain unnamed. Discordia becomes Sin, or the Evil One—‘el peccado’—and she (or he) casts the golden apple and brings about great strife, whereupon the goddesses are sent to the shepherd Paris.17 At this point the author breaks off to tell of the early life of Paris.18 Before his birth Hecuba had seen a horrible thing in her sleep:

que salie de su cuerpo || una flamma yrada

quemaua toda Troya || tornaua la en nada.19

Priam accordingly commands that the child be killed; but Hecuba sends him to be reared by shepherds. A brief account of his life with them is given, but the bull fights are not mentioned. The goddesses come before him and harangue him at some length, promising him the regular bribes.20 Paris decides in favor of Venus and demands the wife of Menelaus, of whose beauty he has heard. Venus consents but tells him that he must change his name and go as a merchant.21 He proceeds to Greece and steals Helen while Menelaus is absent ‘en una caualgada.’22

At this point the Greeks prepare for war; and one of their first tasks is to find Achilles. It is related that Achilles’ mother, a very clever woman, had enchanted him so that ‘non podies fierro || nunca en el entrar.’23 Then, still fearing an evil fate, she places him among the nuns in a monastery.24 Ulixes finds him by placing weapons before him; and he is taken to Troy to join in the fighting. The author turns to other sources for the actual siege; yet there is one more interesting point of comparison in connection with the death of Achilles. Paris knows about his vulnerable point, which, according to Alexandre, is in ‘las plantas de los pies.’25 He finds Achilles kneeling in prayer and kills him by shooting an arrow into the sole of his foot. This seems to be a corruption of the older story
 [[ Print Edition Page No. xxxv ]] 
found in ET, in which Paris shoots Achilles in the heel while he is worshiping in the temple of Apollo.

It is obvious that the story told in Alexandre is remarkably similar in most respects to that found in ET. If we make allowance for the free mediaevalizing of the story in Alexandre we can find few differences of any significance. One is the use (in Alex.) of the name Pallas for Minerva and Ulixes for Odisseus. Another is the statement that Priam knows about Hecuba’s evil dream and advises that the child be killed, whereas in ET Hecuba acts on her own responsibility. Then there is the mention of the fact that Hecuba’s child is first named Alexe and is later renamed Paris26—a detail not found in ET. Finally, there is the account of Venus’ scheme for Paris to sail to Greece under the pretense of being a merchant, which, as we have seen, corresponds to the Compendium and to Robert Mannyng. All these differences might reasonably be interpreted to mean that the source of Alexandre was a different redaction of the same basic narrative, in which the story was told more fully and with some variations. At any rate, the great similarity of Alexandre to ET warrants the assumption of a very close source relationship between the two.

Another Spanish account which evidently contains a great deal of material from the same version of the Troy story is that contained in the General Estoria of Alfonso el Sabio.27 Solalinde has already pointed out28 that the story of the judgment of Paris, especially the part concerned with the promises of the goddesses, was drawn largely from the Libro de Alexandre. From the same source might well have come the statement that Achilles was vulnerable only in the soles of his feet,29 and that Paris shot him while he was kneeling in prayer.30 Yet the Estoria is much more complete than Alexandre in telling that Achilles was definitely dipped in the Styx by Thetis31 rather than merely enchanted. It also contains an account of Paris’ judgment of the bulls,32 which could not have come from the Alexandre. Although Alfonso includes a vast body of Trojan material in his history before settling down to Dares’ account of the actual fighting, the general plan and order of the events are quite similar to those of Alexandre and ET. It would be unwise to state a final conclusion until a complete study of the Estoria has been made; yet it seems not unreasonable to suppose that some form of the Latin version with which we are concerned influenced the first part of Alfonso’s narrative.

Still another Spanish account which shows some affinities to ET is Leomarte’s Sumas de Historia Troyana.33 Although in large part Leomarte’s
 [[ Print Edition Page No. xxxvi ]] 
narrative follows that of the Libro de Alexandre, it is more complete in certain points, as for example in the inclusion of the incident of Paris and the bulls, in which Leomarte agrees quite closely with Alfonso’s version. There is likewise an interesting correspondence with Konrad von Würzburg in the story of Paris’ exposure, in which it is related that Paris is sent to be killed, but is spared by the servants when they see the infant smile.34

Two of the Italian texts published by Gorra should likewise be taken into consideration in connection with ET. One of these, the Istorietta Trojana,35 contains the familiar episode of Paris’ judgment of the bulls, and some interesting variations in the judgment of the goddesses, to be discussed later (p. xliv). The other, La Fiorita of Armannino Giudice,36 is of interest in that it contains one element not commonly found: the story of Paris’ return to Troy and his defeat of his brothers in the athletic contests. After telling (roughly according to Guido de Columnis) of Jason and Medea and the first destruction of Troy, Armannino gives a brief account of Hecuba’s dream of a firebrand which burns the city. Paris is accordingly exposed and brought up by a shepherd. He becomes an expert bowman and an excellent athlete. Enone, a ‘duchessa,’ is mentioned briefly, but there is no account of the animal fights or even (at this point) of the judgment of the goddesses. Having heard of the athletic contests in Troy, Paris goes thither to take part. He engages his brothers in friendly sparring bouts and defeats them all, including Hector. Hector is humiliated, and seizes his sword in order to deal Paris a death blow. Hecuba, having recognized her shepherd son, intervenes to save his life, for he would never have survived a real battle with his elder brother.37 This account differs noticeably from ET, in which Paris’ brothers plan to take their revenge by surrounding the circus with soldiers who are to seize him after the games are finished. Armannino’s account shows some similarity to that of Servius, the chief disagreement being the statement that it was Hecuba who revealed Paris’ identity; Servius states that Paris revealed himself, while in ET it is his foster-father, the shepherd, who makes the revelation. It seems unlikely that Armannino’s source could have been the brief statements of Servius,38 and this story of Paris’ contest with his brothers may well go back ultimately to the ET narrative of Paris’ athletic feats in the stadium.39

The reason why most mediaeval writers neglected to mention Paris’ triumph in the athletic contests is, no doubt, that they considered the episode inappropriate. They were unable to distinguish between athletic prowess of the Greek variety and actual strength in battle. To have
 [[ Print Edition Page No. xxxvii ]] 
Paris defeat Hector must have seemed impossible to a mediaeval writer, since it was dangerously like questioning the supremacy of the noblest knight of antiquity. The German writers, however, seemed to have no scruples about recording the contest as a fight between Paris and Hector. In the Weltchronik of Jansen Enikel,40 Paris engages Hector in a fierce fight with bucklers and finally strikes him down, after which the shepherd dramatically reveals the identity of his ward. This is quite similar to the account given in Konrad’s Trojanische Krieg (ll. 5012-5068), in which the brothers wage a playful battle ‘in einem rinc,’ and Paris smites Hector so heavy a blow that the shepherd feels constrained to interfere in order to prevent serious trouble.

A much more distinct effort to emphasize the valor of Paris is observable in the Middle High German Göttweiger Trojanerkrieg.41 This contains a highly mediaevalized narrative whose sources can be but vaguely discerned, since the author obviously allows himself great freedom and independence in telling the story. There is an interminable account of Paris in the guise of a knight-errant who wanders about overcoming giants and dwarfs and otherwise distinguishing himself by mighty deeds of arms. The relationship of this account to ET is indicated by the appearance of the same characteristic events: Hecuba’s dream; the exposure of Paris; his life as a shepherd, including his judgment of the bulls; his judgment of the goddesses; and the finding of Achilles at the court of Nicomedes.42 There are, however, many additional accounts of Paris’ exploits, which may have been inspired by the classical story of his athletic ability. While still a shepherd, he slays a dog with his fist, and later overcomes a she-bear and a lion.43 After his judgment of the goddesses Paris sets out in search of adventure; but rather than merely go to Troy and distinguish himself in the stadium, he wanders about and engages in a series of gaudy mediaeval battles.44 He is finally dubbed ‘knight’ by the ‘kaisser’ in Constantinople and is there victorious in a glorious tournament, which, it is just possible, may correspond to the circus games in ET. Of course, Paris’ exploits in the Trojan War are equally valorous. It would be highly inconsistent if so bold a knight resorted to the unmanly trick of shooting Achilles from ambush; and indeed, he does not: he engages him in a fierce duel and slays him (in what manner it is not clear). Then he hews off his head and throws it away:

Das hoptt schwang er von im dan:

By dem hare er es do nan,

Mitt gewaltt er es von dan

Warff über muren und dry graben


 [[ Print Edition Page No. xxxviii ]] 

Such an account of Paris is, of course, rather unusual and individual; yet it seems likely that in its main outlines it was inspired, or suggested, by the more ancient story contained in ET, in which considerable attention is given to the youth of Paris, and in which his youthful exploits are sufficiently prominent to suggest many heroic qualities to a mediaeval writer. The German account wanders rather far afield, to be sure; but it is difficult to suggest another origin.

Another version of the Paris story which shows some interesting affinities to ET is the brief account of the judgment of Paris contained in Eneas,45 a twelfth century romance drawn from Virgil and a number of other sources.46 The interpolation regarding Paris is the same in all essentials as that found in ET: the three goddesses are at a ‘parlemant’ (l. 103) when Discorde casts a golden apple on which an inscription indicates that the most beautiful should have it. They fall into strife, come to Paris, and show him the inscription. Paris postpones judgment for three days;47 during this time the three goddesses come to him separately and offer him wealth, strength in battle, and the fairest lady respectively.48 On the day agreed upon they return, and Paris awards the apple to Venus. The great similarity in plan, as well as in many of the details,49 is apparent, and we can hardly avoid the conclusion that some version of this Latin narrative was known to the author of Eneas. There should be noted, however, some significant differences in the two accounts. Minerva in Eneas is called Pallas, and she is the second to offer her bribe rather than the first as in ET. Juno’s offer to increase Paris’ flocks in the Latin account (4, 32-5, 1) is peculiarly bucolic—whereas in Eneas she merely offers wealth:

plus que ses pere ne avoit,

et molt par lo feroit riche home


These differences might at first sight appear to be original variations in the narrative; but a close study of them points to the conclusion that the author of Eneas is following his source in these details. No less than nine of the analogues discussed in Section IV, episode 450 show the very same divergences from ET: Minerva is called Pallas, and she follows Juno in her address to Paris; moreover, in not one of these analogues does Juno make the offer that she makes in ET. These facts, together with a consideration of the close and detailed similarity of Eneas to ET in other respects, confirm the idea that some reworking of the ET narrative—whether an earlier or a later form than that extant—had acquired the traits that we have noted in Eneas.

 [[ Print Edition Page No. xxxix ]] 

In addition to the versions already mentioned, there are a few other narratives which will be occasionally cited in the ensuing analysis of episodes. One of these is MS G of the Roman de Troie, attributed to Jean Maukaraume,51 containing an account of Hecuba’s dream and the youth of Paris. Versions of the youth of Achilles and of his discovery among the virgins will be cited from the Alexander of Ulrich von Eschenbach,52 from some fragments attached to the Repgauische Chronik,53 and from the Confessio Amantis of John Gower.54 A few references will also be made to three other accounts: the Old French Floire et Blanceflor,55 the Historie van Troyen of Jakob Maerlant,56 and the Liet von Troye of Herbort von Fritslâr.57


 [1]  Published by H. Simonsfeld in Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde, xi (1886), 241-251.

 [2]  ‘Que cum gravida esset et nondum puerum peperisset, sompniavit, se quandam facem concepisse, cuius igne totam civitatem videbat ardere. Que retulit Priamo’ (p. 242). Cf. ET, p. 4, 1-5.

 [3]  ‘. . . et oculte suo vacario in nemore iussit ad nutriendum dari’ (p. 242).

 [4]  ‘. . . deinde ad gregem rediit et de victore victoriam habuit. Moxque Paris de capite suo diadema abstulit et illius fronti constituit. Cuius fama per universa climata divulgata: omnes mirabantur tam recta consilia’ (p. 242). In ET (p. 4, 14 ff.) the strange bull is Mars, and he wins at the first encounter.

 [5]  It is by no means necessary to consider this a mediaeval detail or to connect it with Spain! When we consider the great fondness of the Romans for watching fights between animals in the time of the Caesars it becomes quite credible that the episode was a classical accretion to the story. Bull-baiting and bull-fighting were also common in the Greek world, and were native to Thessaly. On this see Friedländer, Darstellungen, ii, 87 ff.

 [6]  Compendium: ‘. . . se nudam Paridi presentavit: quam ut vidit, in eius amore exarsit et illam victricem promisit, si satisfaceret eius petitioni’ (p. 243); ET, p. 5, 5 ff.

 [7]  Compendium, p. 243; ET, p. 7, 26 ff. At least this is implied in the latter when Helen sends word to Paris: ‘si aliquod ornamentum quod regine placeat in venalibus possit ferre.’ No doubt in the source of ET the detail was more prominent.

 [8]  Ed. F. J. Furnivall (2 vols., London, 1887).

 [9]  Aem. W. Zetsche, Über den ersten Teil der Bearbeitung des ‘roman de Brut’ des Wace durch Robert Mannyng of Brunne (Leipzig, 1887), p. 10; F. J. Furnivall, op. cit., p. xviii; J. E. Wells, Manual of the Writings in Middle English (New Haven, 1926), p. 200.

 [10]  E.g., Benoit’s Roman de Troie, Guido’s Historia Destructionis Troiae, or even the Middle English Seege or Batayle of Troye.

 [11]  In the Seege, on the other hand, Paris’ occupation is by no means recognized as an aristocratic one:

And made him kepe swyn þere

As he a pore monnes sone weore


 [12]  E.g., in ET Paris likewise sets a day for the judgment; the goddesses come to him separately to offer bribes, etc.

 [13]  De Excidio Troiae Historia, ix-x.

 [14]  Harley MS, ll. 654a-654h.

 [15]  Ed. R. S. Willis, Jr. (Elliott Monographs, no. 32, Princeton and Paris, 1934).

 [[ Print Edition Page No. xl ]] 

 [16]  Parallels for part of the story have been pointed out in Dares and the pseudo-Pindarus Thebanus. A. Morel-Fatio, Romania, iv (1875), 82 ff., holds that the first part of the story ‘procède évidemment de la version qui est représentée par la Crónica troyana imprimée’ (p. 87), of which there were several early editions. This was a reworking of Leomarte, Sumas de Historia Troyana (edited in 1932 by A. Rey in Revista de Filología Española, Anejo XV). Professor Solalinde has stated that this material cannot possibly be considered older than the Alexandre, and so it hardly comes into question as a source. The Troy story in Alexandre is probably the earliest of the Spanish versions (see A. Rey, op. cit., pp. 16ff.), and its sources need a thorough re-examination, for which this survey may serve as a starting point. On Alexandre and its sources see also R. S. Willis, Jr., The Relationship of the Spanish ‘Libro de Alexandre’ to the ‘Alexandreis’ of Gautier de Chatillon (Elliott Monographs, no. 31, Princeton and Paris, 1934), and The Debt of the Spanish ‘Libro de Alexandre’ to the French ‘Roman d’Alexandre’ (Elliott Monographs, no. 33, Princeton and Paris, 1935).

 [17]  Stanzas 335-345. Citations are from MS O.

 [18]  It is interesting that the author interrupts himself at exactly the same point as in ET. Alex., 346: ‘Qviero uos sobre Paris || un poquiello faular’; ET, p. 3, 27: ‘Et dicere habes: qui fuit Paris . . . ? Respondendum est . . .’

 [19]  Stanza 348. Cf. ET, p. 4, 2.

 [20]  I.e., Juno offers wealth, Pallas strength in battle (stanzas 369, 374).

 [21]  Stanza 392: ‘Faz te camiar el nombre || ue cuemo mercadero.’

 [22]  Cf. ET, p. 7, 21-22. A further interesting detail is that in both accounts the news reaches Menelaus before his return. Alex., stanza 400: ‘Fueron al rey las nouas || & sobieron ge [=le] mal’; ET, p. 9, 5-7.

 [23]  Stanza 411. Cf. ET, p. 10, 24-25.

 [24]  Among the ‘serores’ in a ‘mongia’ (stanzas 411 ff.)—the mediaeval equivalent of the ‘virgines’ of King Licomedes (ET, p. 10, 5).

 [25]  Stanza 724. Achilles’ vulnerable heel is not definitely mentioned in Statius’ Achilleid, though most of the other events pertaining to Achilles are. On the vulnerable soles see below, pp. l; lv, n. 22.

 [26]  These are significant because they are also found in Konrad von Würzburg, the Trójumanna Saga, and other versions. See above, p. xxiii.

 [27]  This was being edited at the University of Wisconsin by A. G. Solalinde; the first volume was published in Madrid in 1930. Because of the war in Spain and the untimely death of Professor Solalinde, publication of the remainder of the text has been delayed. According to Progress of Medieval and Renaissance Studies, no. 17 (1942), pp. 63 and 69, this project is being continued by L. A. Kasten, V. R. B. Oelschläger, M. H. Singleton, and others.

 [28]  ‘El Juicio de Paris en el “Alexandre” y en la “General Estoria,” ’ Revista de Filología Española, xv (1928), 1-51.

 [29]  ‘. . . que segunt dizen los autores de los gentiles en ninguna parte de su cuerpo non podie entrar fierro si non en las plantas de los pies.’ MS Escorial Y, i, i (a photostatic copy of which Professor Solalinde very kindly lent me), fol. 64r.

 [30]  Fol. 81r.

 [31]  Fols. 63v, 64r.

 [32]  ‘. . . quando vinien toros ajenos e lidiauan con los suyos e vencien los suyos a los ajenos, coronaua el de guirlandas de rramos e de flores a los suyos, e si vencien los ajenos, coronaua a los ajenos e non a los suyos; e por esta derechura que fazie, pues que el fue sonando por las tierras, vinien muchos a el con sus pleitos’ (fols. 45r, 45v).

 [33]  Ed. A. Rey, Revista de Filología Española, Anejo xv (Madrid, 1932).

 [34]  Ibid., p. 150. This detail, as Greif (pp. 95-96) points out, may have been due to the influence of the Ilias of Simon Capra Aurea (Migne, Patrologiae Cursus Completus, series Latina, clxxi, 1447 ff.). But Leomarte attributes the detail to Virgil!

 [35]  E. Gorra, Testi inediti di Storia Trojana (Turin, 1887), 371-403. Gorra likewise (pp. 320 ff.) summarizes an interesting version of the Paris story contained in a poetical account called Il Trojano a stampa.

 [[ Print Edition Page No. xli ]] 

 [36]  Testi inediti, pp. 532-561.

 [37]  P. 540. Paris is said to struggle ‘più per ingegno e per grande destrezza che per forza.’ Cf. ET, p. 6, 6: ‘. . . non arte sed virtute dimicavit.’

 [38]  Commentarii, Aen., v, 370: ‘. . . in Troiae agonali certamine [Paris] superaret omnes, ipsum etiam Hectorem, qui cum iratus in eum stringeret gladium, dixit se esse germanum.’ Hyginus, Fab., no. 91, likewise mentions Paris’ defeat of his brothers, and it is Cassandra who recognizes him.

 [39]  H. Dunger quotes a marginal gloss to Ovid’s heroides in which it is the shepherd who reveals Paris’ identity (see the note p. 5, 19 below). This corresponds to the Middle High German versions as well as to ET. See Dunger, Die Sage vom trojanischen Kriege in den Bearbeitungen des Mittelalters und ihre antiken Quellen (Leipzig, 1869), p. 47.

 [40]  A voluminous poetic history of the world composed in the late thirteenth century. The section on Troy contains the same series of events as the other versions we have considered, and it will therefore be included in the ensuing ‘Analysis of Episodes.’ Ed. P. Strauch, Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores qui Vernacula Lingua usi sunt, Vol. iii, Part i (Hannover and Leipzig, 1900), ll. 13691-13754.

 [41]  Ed. A. Koppitz (Berlin, 1926). This was written, according to Koppitz (p. xxii), by a pupil of Konrad von Würzburg. Valeria Gramatzky in Quellenstudien zum Göttweiger Trojanerkrieg (Berlin, 1935) gives abundant evidence of the poet’s use of Konrad. It is doubtful, however, if he was entirely indebted to Konrad for the story. For example, he is more complete than Konrad in the story of the bulls (ll. 1764 ff.).

 [42]  L. 16308. It is possible that this form arose from a confusion with the name Nicodemus. Licomedes appears once in the Rawlinson MS as Nichomedis (p. 11, 4) and in Ulrich von Eschenbach’s Alexander as Nycomêdes (l. 18492).

 [43]  Ll. 1476-1478; 1558-1616—a reminiscence of the youthful David, no doubt. Yet it has been pointed out that the Compendium hints at Paris’ youthful feats by telling that he conquered twelve robbers (see above, p. xxxi)—an event which actually occurs in a later portion of the Trojanerkrieg (ll. 6491 ff.).

 [44]  Including one with his brother Hector (ll. 10879 ff.), in which the two knights recognize each other after a long struggle.

 [45]  Eneas, ed. Salverda de Grave (Paris, 1925-29; and an older edition, Halle, 1891).

 [46]  On the sources of Eneas see Salverda de Grave, Eneas (Halle, 1891), Introduction, pp. xxx ff.; F. M. Warren, ‘On the Latin Sources of Thèbes and Énéas,PMLA, xvi (1901), 375-387; E. Faral, ‘Ovide et quelques autres sources du Roman d’Énéas,Romania, xl (1911), 161-234 and ‘Le récit du jugement de Paris dans l’Énéas et ses sources,’ Romania, xli (1912), 100-102; A. Pauphilet, ‘Eneas et Énée,’ Romania, lv (1929), 195-213. For a scholarly condemnation of Eneas as literature see Jessie Crosland, ‘Eneas and the Aeneid,Mod. Lang. Rev., xxix (1934), 282-290.

 [47]  ET, p. 4, 25-26: ‘. . . iudicium comperendinavit’—certainly the correct reading, although the word has been altered to ‘procrastinavit.’ Cf. the quotation from Eneas below, p. liv, n. 12.

 [48]  On the offers of the goddesses see p. xliv.

 [49]  Passages of the Eneas, to be compared with ET, are quoted also on p. liii, n. 2 and p. liv, n. 11.

 [50]  Viz., Konrad, Enikel, Alfonso, Leomarte, Mannyng, Alexandre, the Trojanska Priča, the Göttweiger Trojanerkrieg, and the Isorietta Trojana.

 [51]  Le Roman de Troie, ed. L. Constans (Paris, 1904-12). See ‘Variantes complémentaires,’ iv, 389 ff.

 [52]  Ed. W. Toischer (Bibliothek des Litterarischen Vereins, clxxxiii, Tübingen, 1888).

 [53]  Ed. A. Bernoulli, Germania, xxviii (1883), 30-38.

 [54]  The English Works of John Gower, ed. G. C. Macaulay (2 vols., E. E. T. S., Extra Series, nos. 81-82, London, 1900-01).

 [55]  Ed. É. du Méril (Paris, 1856).

 [56]  Portions are given in Episodes uit Maerlant’s Historie van Troyen, ed. J. Verdam (Groningen, 1873).

 [57]  Ed. G. K. Fromann (Bibliothek der gesammten deutschen National-Litteratur, v, Quedlinburg and Leipzig, 1837).

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IV. The Troy Story: Analysis of Episodes

In order to bring together the mass of analogous literary material, it will be worth while to analyze separately the episodes in ET relating to Paris and Achilles, indicating as nearly as possible the points at which ET agrees and disagrees with the other versions which have been discussed.1

1. Marriage of Peleus and Thetis

Jupiter gives a feast to celebrate the marriage of Peleus to the Nereid Thetis. To it he invites a number of deities. Discordia, enraged at not being invited, procures a golden apple on which she writes: ‘A gift to the fairest goddess.’2 This she casts among the assembled deities. Juno, Minerva, and Venus fall into strife and ask Jupiter to decide which of them is most beautiful. Being fearful of offending them, he refuses and sends them to Paris, a shepherd on Mount Ida (ET, p. 3, 11-26).

The story of this feast is found (in some form) in C (242-243), K (808 ff.), TP (159-161), TT (75-76), Leom (151 ff.), Alf (23 ff.), JE (13787 ff.), TS (18, 20), Alex (335-345), Ulr (4877 ff.), and En (101 ff.).

Only in K and TP3 is the feast connected with Peleus and Thetis. In C, it is the wedding of Proserpine and Perithous; in TS, it seems to be the wedding of Paris and Thetis. TT mentions Peleus but not Thetis. In JE, it is a ‘hôchzît’ held in Troy by the three goddesses. In Alf and Leom, it is confused with the feast of Tantalus; in Alex, it is a gathering held by two kings. In TS, it seems to be the bride herself who casts the apple; in Alex, the apple is cast by Satan. S, Alex, Leom, Alf, and K give a fuller and more dramatic version of the quarrel, in which there are some correspondences.4 RM, GT, S, and IT drop the episode and otherwise account for the apple. In RM (503 ff.), the goddesses begin to quarrel over their beauty and resolve to make a ball as a prize; in GT (1787 ff.), Distordia and Terius give Paris the apple with instructions to award it to one of the goddesses who will appear; in S and IT, the goddesses find a ball and then begin to quarrel over it. In K, Alf, and Leom, Jupiter’s reasons for refusing to decide the quarrel are the same: since he is related to all, he dare not decide.5

2. Hecuba’s Dream and the Exposure of Paris

Hecuba dreams, when pregnant, that she gives birth to a firebrand which burns Troy to the ground.6 The dream is interpreted to mean
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that her son will be the cause of Troy’s downfall. When Paris is born he is exposed on Mount Ida and is found by a shepherd (ET, p. 4, 1-9).

Found in C (242), S (239 ff.), TS (18), TP (159), K (354 ff.), GT (1 ff., 827 ff., 1328 ff.), JE (13515 ff.), Alex (348 ff.), Leom (149 ff.), Fior (539), and RTG (389 f.).

Hecuba’s dream, except for a few individual flourishes, shows a fair degree of uniformity. In its interpretation there are several variations. In ET, RTG, and S, Hecuba sends the child away without Priam’s knowledge; in the other versions she tells Priam about her dream. In K, Priam himself interprets the dream, after the birth of Paris. In Alex, Leom, and K, Priam tells Hecuba that it is better to lose a son than the whole city of Troy.7 In JE and Alex, Paris is stolen away from his mother by servants.8 K and Leom agree in having Paris sent not to be exposed but to be killed and later spared by the servants. In C, S, TS, and RTG, Paris is not exposed but sent secretly by Hecuba to a herdsman to be reared. In S and TP, Paris is seven years old when he goes to the fields to care for the herds.

3. Life of Paris as a Herdsman

Paris is brought up as a herdsman, and becomes well known among his fellows. He likes to watch fights between the bulls, and gives the winner a golden crown. One day Mars takes the likeness of a bull and overcomes Paris’ favorite. Paris removes the crown from his bull and awards it to Mars. For this reason he wins a wide reputation for justice (ET, p. 4, 11-21).

Analogous versions are found in C (242), S (273 ff.), RM (459 ff.), TS (20), TP (159), K (576 ff.), GT (1419 ff.; 1767 ff.), Leom (150-151), Alf (45r-45v), Fior (539), and IT (381).

Several expansions of the story are to be found. K, TP, Leom, and Fior state that the shepherd’s wife had just borne a son. S (289 f.), K (658 ff.; 1746 ff.), GT (1908 ff.), Leom (152), Alf (27), TP (159), TS (18), Alex (360), and Fior (539) state that the child was renamed; in the first five the name is given him because of his great justice or wisdom.9 K, S, Alf, Leom, and TP merely state that Paris liked to watch fights between the bulls and that he crowned the winner; in the other accounts a strange bull fights with his bull. In no version besides ET is the strange bull identified with Mars. In C, S, TP, TS, Leom, Alf, IT, and GT, the crown is of flowers, not gold; K and RM merely mention a crown, of unspecified material.10 In K and Alf, Paris wins such a reputation
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for justice that people come to him from far and near with their disputes. K, TP, Leom, and Fior include the love of Paris and Oenone; K gives the fullest account.

4. Judgment of the Goddesses

The three goddesses come before Paris and show him the inscription.11 He postpones the judgment in order to listen to their bribes.12 Minerva offers strength in battle; Juno offers to increase his flocks by having them produce twin offspring; Venus offers the fairest lady. Paris awards the apple to Venus, whereupon the other goddesses are hostile to the Trojans (ET, pp. 4, 23-5, 18).

Versions are found in C (243), S (507 ff.), RM (513 ff.), TS (20, 22), TP (161-163), TT (76 f.), K (1881 ff.), GT (2004 ff.), JE (13863 ff.), Alex (362 ff.), Leom (153-154), Alf (27 ff.), IT (382), Flo (451 ff.), En (114 ff.), and Ulr (4905 ff.).

The story seems to have been known in a great variety of forms and from a variety of sources; it will not be possible even to mention all the variations. TS follows Dares in making the judgment a dream; in S and IT, the goddesses come to Paris while he is asleep but apparently wake him up; in the other accounts the occurrence is definitely real. In no other account besides ET is Pallas called Minerva. In TS, the three goddesses are Freyja, Sif, and Gefjon, while in three MSS of S, they are four ‘ladies of Elfen Land’: Saturnus, Mercurius, Jubiter, and Venus. K and JE have Paris attend the feast, and the judgment seems to take place there. The speeches of the goddesses to Paris in K, S, TP, Leom, and IT show some significant correspondences.13 The bribes of the goddesses show great variety. In RM, K, and JE, Pallas promises wisdom rather than strength in battle, while in TS and Flo she promises both.14 No parallel has been found to Juno’s promise in ET, although her offer of wealth takes a number of forms; e.g., in GT, she offers all the treasures buried since Adam. In TP and K, Venus specifically promises Helen; in IT and S, Venus offers to make all the ladies love him and to give him his pick; in Alex and JE, he is also to have his choice.15 In ET and C, Venus appears nude to Paris and warps his judgment;16 in C, he makes advances to her, but since she cannot cohabit with a mortal, she offers Helen instead.

5. Paris’ Defeat of his Brothers

Paris goes to Troy, where the circus games are in progress. He enters the arena and overcomes the ‘campestriarii,’17 then he defeats the runners.
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His brothers challenge him to race, and he defeats them. They plan to kill him, but are prevented by the shepherd, who declares that Paris is their brother (ET, pp. 5, 19-6, 22).

Somewhat similar events are found in Fior (539-540), K (5012 ff.), JE (13691 ff.), and GT (10879 ff. et passim.).

In all of these accounts the contest is a fight of some kind between Paris and Hector. In Fior, Hecuba reveals Paris’ identity; in K and JE, it is the shepherd; in GT, the brothers, after a long fight, recognize each other after the fashion of Round Table knights.18

6. Expedition to Greece and Rape of Helen

Paris is sent on an expedition to Greece for the purpose of recovering Hesione, Priam’s captive sister. He arrives at the kingdom of Menelaus in disguise, and is mistaken for a merchant.19 With the aid of Venus he wins Helen’s love and runs away with her, together with much treasure (ET, pp. 7, 5-9, 3).

Cf. C (243), S (654a-654h), RM (613 ff.), Alex (389 ff.), K (20469 ff.), and Rep Chron (34).

RM and Alex agree with C in having Venus instruct Paris to change his name and go to Greece in the guise of a merchant. In C, S, K, RM, and Alex, Menelaus is present when Paris arrives, but only in S and RM does he remain throughout Paris’ stay.20 In S (Harley MS) Paris, when questioned, says that he is a merchant; in K he also conceals his identity, saying that he is a Carthaginian. Most writers prefer to follow Dares in this episode.

7. Youth of Achilles

Thetis, mother of Achilles, dips him in the Styx so that he becomes invulnerable except in his heel. Then, because of a prophecy that Achilles will die in battle, she turns him over to Chiron to be reared. After he is able to bear arms, Thetis remembers the prophecy, takes him from Chiron, and places him among the virgins of King Licomedes (ET, pp. 10, 21-11, 7).21

Found in S (1200 ff.), K (4496 ff.; 5758 ff.; 13402 ff.), Alex (410 ff.), Leom (179), Alf (64r), JE (14531 ff.), Rep Chron (35), Gow (V, 2961 ff.), and Ulr (18488 ff.).

In S, Alf, Alex, Leom, and GT, Achilles’ vulnerable point is in the soles
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of his feet.22 Only Alf names the Styx; Alex merely has him enchanted, while S and K mention magic waters.23 In K, Proteus utters the prophecy concerning Achilles; in S, Thetis reads it in the firmament.24 In Alex and Leom, Thetis places Achilles among the nuns in a convent; both accounts omit the training of Achilles by Chiron.25

8. Finding of Achilles

Because of a prophecy that Troy can be conquered only with the help of Achilles,26 Odisseus and Diomedes go to seek him. They come to Licomedes’ court in the guise of ambassadors. They display feminine trinkets and also arms before the virgins; Achilles chooses the arms and is recognized. He has been in love with Didamia and on her has begotten Pyrrus (ET, pp. 9, 17-10, 20).

Found in S (1192 ff.; 1252 ff.), K (27108 ff.), TP (173 ff.), GT (16303 ff.), JE (15089 ff.), Alex (413 ff.), Leom (179 ff.), Fior (544 ff.), Rep Chron (35), Gow (V, 3070 ff.), and Ulr (18491 ff.).27

In no other account besides ET is Ulixes called Odisseus. K gives a long account of the love of Achilles and Deidamia.

9. Death of Achilles

Achilles has married Polyxena, who finds out about his vulnerable heel. Achilles is invited to the temple of Apollo, where Paris shoots him in the heel with a poisoned arrow (ET, pp. 12, 12-13, 5).

Cf. S (1648 ff.), Alex (722 ff.), Alf (81r), and JE (16456 ff.).

The principal difference from the Dares accounts is the utilizing of Achilles’ vulnerable point, which in S, Alex, and Alf28 is in the soles of his feet. In S, Paris and his companions thrust swords and knives into the bottoms of his feet; in Alex and Alf, Paris shoots Achilles in the sole while he is kneeling in prayer;29 in JE, he shoots him ‘in di fersen’ (16518), also while he is kneeling.

First of all it should be observed that the mediaeval versions which have been compared show a number of significant differences from ET; that many of them show correspondences in details not found in ET at all. These correspondences are of such a nature as to make it highly improbable that ET in its present form could have been widely used as a direct source. There follows a list of some of these points, which may be augmented by a further study of the individual accounts:

1. Hecuba tells Priam about her evil dream. He advises that the
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child be destroyed (all accounts except S and RTG). In ET, Hecuba does not reveal the situation to Priam until Paris has defeated his brothers and is in danger of death.

2. Some versions mention the shepherd’s son, with whom Paris was reared.

3. In S and TP, Paris is seven years old when he goes to the fields.

4. In every account except ET, Paris crowns the winning bull with a garland of flowers rather than with a golden crown.

5. In no other version besides ET is the strange bull identified with Mars.

6. Paris is given his name by the shepherd. In S, K, GT, Leom, and Alf, he is named Paris because of his justice or wisdom.

7. In no other version is the name Odisseus used for Ulixes or Minerva for Pallas.

8. Juno’s offer to increase Paris’ flocks in ET is unique.

9. C, Alex, and RM tell a fuller story of Paris’ pretense of being a merchant.

10. Several speeches in the vernacular accounts show correspondences in details not found in ET; e.g., Priam to Hecuba (p. liv, n. 7), the quarrel of the goddesses (p. liii, n. 4), the goddesses’ offers to Paris (p. liv, n. 13), etc.

Considerable care is necessary in drawing conclusions from these observations. It would be tempting to assume that the departures from ET in the various mediaeval narratives result from the fact that the authors of these narratives had access to the source account upon which the present ET is based; that, in other words, the details in which ET is unique represent the work of ET’s redactor. But items 5 and 7 (above) hardly seem capable of such an interpretation; they seem definitely to represent traits of the older narrative, preserved in ET but uniformly omitted or altered in the other versions. Of the same nature is the account of Paris’ athletic triumphs, preserved in a classical form in ET but mediaevalized in the other narratives (see pp. xxxvi ff.). Such departures from ET would seem to show that the mediaeval writers on Troy had access to at least one other redaction of the ET material—one differing from ET in several particulars yet based on essentially the same original story.

It cannot be stated with certainty that this related material was not built directly on the present text of ET; in fact, there are some points which seem to favor such a view. Occasionally some of the very manuscript traits of the present ET seem to be carried over into the vernacular
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accounts; examples have been noted on p. xli, n. 42, p. lv, n. 21, and p. lv, n. 22. On the other hand, the story of Paris’ pretense of being a merchant, found in C and some of the vernacular narratives, was apparently derived from an episode in the original account, of which only a trace remains in ET (see p. xxxiii). In the face of these difficulties, the exact relationship of ET to the other versions seems impossible to determine on the basis of the evidence at hand. All that we can conclude with some confidence is that ET gives us something fairly close to a late classical narrative which underlies the vernacular stories; that kindred though not identical redactions of this narrative must have circulated rather widely during the Middle Ages; and that the writers we have studied combined this material in various ways with the narratives of Dares and Benoit. The Compendium offers sufficient evidence that this material existed in other forms, and, taken in conjunction with ET, it throws considerable light on the probable nature of the original story. In some cases, moreover, the two Latin versions show very close and detailed similarities to the vernacular accounts. The Compendium is closest to the narrative of Robert Mannyng and an account quite like it must have been his source; ET seems closest to the Seege, and, considering the close correspondences of the Riccardian MS to the English poem,30 this text in its present form (or something quite like it) may be found sufficient to explain most of the poet’s departures from Dares and Benoit.

The numerous divergences in the mediaeval accounts should not be allowed to obscure the fact that the story told in all of them is fundamentally the same. Most of the differences can be accounted for on fairly simple grounds: (1) loose handling of the supplementary Latin source, (2) varying degrees of dependence on that source, and (3) the influence of other sources. Under the first heading belong many of the variations in the Seege, and the mention in the Saga of Þórr, Freyja, Sif, etc. The fact that the authors of the Seege, the Saga, and the Istorietta Trojana represent the goddesses as coming to Paris while he is asleep in the forest simply means that these writers were less indebted to supplementary sources; for this part of the episode they followed Dares (or Benoit), where the judgment is related by Paris as a dream that came to him in the forest. The influence of other supplementary sources is likewise easy to observe. The use of Ovid is quite apparent at the beginning of the Trójumanna Saga,31 and the accounts of Oenone found in Konrad and the Trojanska Priča were very likely taken directly from the same source.32 Konrad may have made use of the Ilias of Simon
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Capra Aurea,33 and, it is quite probable, knew something of Statius as well.34

A further examination of some of the episodes themselves will do much to explain some of the variations and corruptions, which long prevented scholars from recognizing the events as part of a consistent classical narrative. Consider, first, the divine wedding feast and the malice of Discordia. Of all the ancient episodes, this is probably most out of harmony with the mediaeval idea, deriving from Dares, that the Greek gods took little part in the Trojan War. This may explain the fact that Alfonso and Leomarte begin with a feast, but transfer it to a king, Tantalus, and apparently confuse it with the perverted gastronomic debauch found in the sixth book of Ovid’s Metamorphoses. The fact that Jansen Enikel makes the feast a ‘hôchzît’ held in Troy and Alexandre makes it a festival held by two kings simply means that these authors are transforming the unfamiliar into the familiar. In Alexandre the story is plainly made to conform to the biblical legend of Eden in that the golden apple is cast by the Evil One rather than by Discordia.35 This is not at all surprising—in fact, a very similar notion is found in the slightly insane French poem Ovide Moralisé,36 the author of which seems to regard the apple as symbolic of Original Sin, as it is in Genesis. But in another passage the apple represents the Buried Talent; it is quite useless to try to derive sense from so woolly a mind. On the whole, it seems that mediaeval writers were unable to understand the divine wedding or to reconcile it to the godless story of Dares.

In the various accounts of the ill-omened Paris and his exposure we again find some interesting variations. Konrad von Würzburg, as we have seen, has the child sent, not to be exposed, but to be killed. The servants pity him and allow him to live, after which they bring back the tongue of a dog as evidence that they have obeyed. Some details in this story, as Greif37 points out, are remarkably similar to those in the Ilias of Simon Capra Aurea; and it is just possible that Konrad was influenced by that work. The butchering of a dog in such circumstances was a very common incident in folk tales of exposed infants,38 and so need not necessarily have had a literary source. Konrad continues to relate that the helpless infant is found by a hind and cared for until shepherds find him. This is likewise part of a universal folk tale; yet it is certainly not an unclassical conception: the nursing of infants by beasts was common in ancient literature. Hyginus39 lists ten infants who were so nursed, among whom, however, Paris is not included. But since Apollodorus of Athens40 records the fact that Paris was nursed by a bear, it is clear that
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this element had already become attached to the story in classical times. Konrad’s choice of a hind may represent a Germanic motif; at any rate, we find the same animal mentioned in the Old Norse Điðriks Saga41 as the nurse of the young Sigurth. This account likewise mentions the tongue of a dog, which is used to prove the butchering of the accused queen Sisibe, the mother of Sigurth. It is quite plain that Konrad freely altered and expanded his story by the use of numerous conventional narrative situations and motifs.42

In contrast to the rather barbaric story in Konrad, we find in several versions a distinct effort to soften the heartless exposure of Paris by simply having him turned over to herdsmen for safe-keeping. In Jansen Enikel’s Weltchronik43 Priam, on hearing about Hecuba’s evil dream, resolves that the child must be sent away; and he turns him over to a forester named Dardanus to be brought up. In the Trójumanna Saga44 Priam wants to expose the infant but Hecuba sends him secretly to a fóstr. This variation may have been due to the influence of Gunnlaugs Saga,45 where exactly the same thing takes place after the birth of Helga—or the incident may have been a conventional one in the sagas. The English Seege46 diverges still further in having Hecuba keep the child until he is seven years old, and then turn him over to a foster-parent—a procedure more in keeping with civilized practice.

As a final illustration of the free handling of these episodes, we might mention some of the corruptions in the story of Achilles’ death at the hands of Paris. A few writers seem to have learned enough of the classical story to know that Achilles could be wounded only in one part of his body, and that it was in this one point that Paris attacked him while he was worshiping. Now, the persistent misconception in the mediaeval stories that Achilles was vulnerable not in the heel but in the soles of his feet could have been suggested, as we have seen (p. lv, n. 22), from the phrase ‘nuda planta’ found in ET. But the conception was no doubt greatly strengthened in the Spanish accounts from a tendency to visualize the act of worship in Christian terms. That is, in the Libro de Alexandre and the General Estoria,47 when Paris seeks a method of avenging Hector, he must find Achilles kneeling in prayer, at which time, of course, his soles would have offered the best target.48

Thus it appears that the extremely diverse form in which the classical episodes appear in the mediaeval accounts is not incongruous with a common origin. The story was modified from a number of readily understandable causes: simple failure to understand the narrative; the use of
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other literary sources including Ovid and the Bible; and probably also the intrusion of traditional material.

By way of conclusion, we may reaffirm that the non-Dares material appearing in the various vernacular versions cannot be accounted for by means of an all-inclusive common source. The ‘enlarged Roman de Troie’ is therefore a needless creation and is unsatisfactory as a source.

We may further affirm that there was in existence from the end of the classical period a Latin account of the Trojan War from which the present version of ET had its origin. This chronicle, it is logical to assume, was available during the Middle Ages in such kindred forms as the Compendium, some of which may have been fuller than ET. It is the combination of this narrative with the accounts of Dares and Benoit which explains the appearance of similar episodes in the vernacular versions that have been studied.

An examination of the dates given on p. lii, n. i will make it apparent that the vernacular versions of the Troy story which show extended parallels to ET are almost entirely confined to the period between the middle of the thirteenth century and the middle of the fourteenth—although the Eneas gives evidence that the ET material was in use somewhat earlier. The almost simultaneous appearance, in the later thirteenth century, of the same characteristic details in widely separated parts of Europe might be held to indicate that a popular redaction or scribal reworking of the ET narrative was made at that period, and was soon being circulated over most of Europe. The rapid disappearance of our series of episodes from vernacular literature during the fourteenth century might reasonably be attributed to the mounting prestige of Guido de Columnis, whose Historia Destructionis Troiae (1287) established the Dares-Dictys tradition as the sole authoritative one. At any rate, the later followers of Guido usually followed him faithfully, and no doubt regarded major alterations and interpolations as presumptuous and somewhat impious.

The fact that no mediaeval author cites a source for any of the events we have considered seems to indicate that the authorship of the Latin chronicle, as well as that of its reworkings, was unknown. This anonymity and the lack of prestige resulting from it no doubt partially account for the extreme freedom with which the story was rehandled by mediaeval writers. Rather than respecting their source as history, as in the case of Dares and Guido, they regarded it as myth and felt free to alter it in accordance with numerous mediaeval ideas. Yet it seems
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evident that in its most popular period this Latin version (in some of its rehandlings) rivalled the accounts of Dares and Dictys as a source of information on Troy. It is significant that both the Riccardian and the Laurentian manuscripts of ET are immediately preceded by copies of Dares. The two were probably regarded as alternate versions of the Troy story, and this circumstance helps to explain the frequent appearance of classical episodes in the mediaeval narratives.

The Latin version which underlies the mediaeval stories was not, it should be emphasized, used as a complete history of Troy. Its principal use was to supplement the account of Dares, but not, in most cases, to interfere seriously with it. The logic of its narrative, in which the war was brought on by divine caprice, was quite sufficient to win it a place in mediaeval Troy literature; yet so cogent were the fraudulent claims of Dares and Dictys49 that the more ancient legend eventually dwindled away and was lost.


 [1]  In the comparison of these accounts, the following sigla are used. Approximate dates of composition are given, so far as can be determined. Editions of these works are listed in the bibliography on pp. lxxxvii-xci; references are to page, line, etc., as indicated.
Alex: El Libro de Alexandre. Mid-xiii (stanza)
Alf: Alfonso el Sabio, General Estoria. Late xiii (folio of MS Escorial Y, I, 1, or page of the portion printed by A. G. Solalinde, op. cit.)
C: Compendium Historiae Troianae-Romanae. xiii (?) (page)
En: Eneas. Late xii (line)
ET: Excidium Troiae (page and line)
Fior: La Fiorita, by Armannino Giudice. Early xiv (page)
Flo: Floire et Blancheflor. xiii (line)
Gow: John Gower’s Confessio Amantis. c. 1390 (book and line)
GT: Der Göttweiger Trojanerkrieg. c. 1300 (line)
Herbort: the Liet von Troye of Herbort von Fritslâr. Second decade of xiii (line)
IT: La Istorietta Trojana. xiii or xiv (page)
JE: Jansen Enikel’s Weltchronik. Last quarter of xiii (line)
K: Konrad von Würzburg, Der Trojanische Krieg. Left unfinished 1287 (line)
Leom: Leomarte, Sumas de Historia Troyana. Late xiii (page)
Maerlant: the Historie van Troyen of Jakob Maerlant. Late xiii (line)
Rep Chron: the fragments attached to the Repgauische Chronik. xiii (page)
RM: Robert Mannyng’s Story of England. 1338 (line)
RTG: MS G of the Roman de Troie. Mid-xiii (page)
S: Seege or Batayle of Troye. Early or mid-xiv (line)
TP: Trojanska Priča. xiv (?) (page)
TS: Trójumanna Saga. Mid-xiii (page)
TT: Togail Troi. c. 1147 (page)
Ulr: Ulrich von Eschenbach’s Alexander. c. 1287 (line)
For many of the ensuing parallels, indebtedness is acknowledged to a number of earlier studies, including the works already cited of E. T. Granz, W. Greif, C. H. A. Wager, G. L. Hamilton, M. E. Barnicle, and A. G. Solalinde. Greif’s monograph was especially valuable, in that it gathered
 [[ Print Edition Page No. liii ]] 
parallels in the Paris story from Konrad’s Trojanische Krieg, The Seege of Troye, MS G of the Roman de Troie, the Trojanska Priča, the Trójumanna Saga, the Repgauische Chronik, and the Cronica Troyana of Delgado (a later form of the Leomarte narrative). Miss Barnicle added the Togail Troi, while Hamilton adduced parallels between Gower and Konrad. Solalinde indicated correspondences between the Spanish versions and brought them at some points into comparison with the Compendium (Chronicon Venetum). He personally pointed out the close relation of some of the Spanish accounts to the ET narrative.

 [2]  ET: ‘Pulchriori dee donum.’ Cf. En:

il i ot escrit an grezois

qu’a la plus bele d’eles trois

faisoit de la pome lo don


In C the inscription reads ‘pulcriori debetur.’ In Alf and IT it is ‘pulchriori detur.’ See above, p. xix, n. 27.

 [3]  The names, however, appear as Feleš and Tišom.

 [4]  E.g., Juno takes up the apple, reads the letters, and claims it: Alf: ‘e leyo donna Juno aquel latin . . . , e dixo luego alas otras: “Amigas, esta mançana yo la deuo auer e mia es” ’ (p. 25); S:

Saturnus þeo eldest þeo bal vp tok

And on þeo lettres gon heo loke

And saide, ‘y wol haue þis riche bal’


Cf. also K (1913 ff.) and Alex (343).
Pallas denies this claim and puts in one of her own. Cf. K (1950), Alex (343), Alf (25), and S (525 ff.). Venus rebukes them and claims the apple for herself. K:

ir mügent iuwer kriegen lân,

ich wil den apfel selbe hân,

wan er ist mîn von rehte:

an lîbe und an geslehte

kan mir kein vrouwe sîn gelîch



Dame venesse seyd, ‘Now be stylle;

That appul is myn be ryght skylle,

ffor I am, without lees,

The fayrest that euer born was’

(MS H, 413-416).

In IT and S they realize that they are getting nowhere, and resolve to find a disinterested judge: S: ‘Anoder man þat most Jugegy’ (H, 422); IT: ‘troviamo alcuno soficiente acciò giudicare’ (382).

 [5]  Alf (26): ‘. . . vos, donna Juno, sodes mi hermana e muger linda, e regnades comigo; e vos, donna Pallas, sodes mi fija que nasçiestes dela mi cabeça; e vos, donna Venus, sodes mi hermana.’ Cf. Leom (152), where identical statements are made, save that Venus is also ‘mi cunnada.’ K:

Vênus diu was sîn swester

und frô Pallas sîn tohter . . .

sô was Jûnô sîn selbes wîp

und dar zuo diu swester sîn

(1598-1599; 1602-1603).

 [6]  Cf. ET, p. 4, 2: ‘. . . totam Troiam circuit,’ etc.; JE:

. . . daz fiur heiz

brunn einen wîten kreiz

umb di stat, diu Troy hiez


 [[ Print Edition Page No. liv ]] 

 [7]  Leom: ‘. . . mucho mejor sera que perdades vn fijo que non tal çibdat con tanta muchedunbre de gentes’ (149). Alex:

Menos de mal sera || que un fijo perdades

que de tan grant perigro || uos carrera seades



‘eʒ ist vil beʒʒer, wiʒʒe Krist,

daʒ eʒ gelige aleine tôt,

dan daʒ ich von im kæme in nôt

und alleʒ mîn geslehte’


It is irresistible to cite here a passage in ET where Priam makes an exactly opposite statement. After Paris has returned to Troy the sacerdotes demand his death in order that Troy be not destroyed. Priam declares: ‘Melius est ut civitas pereat,’ etc. (p. 6, 25).

 [8]  JE: ‘daz kint begund si [daz wîp] stelen’ (13596); Alex: ‘furtaron lo las amas’ (355).

 [9]  ET merely states (after the bull fight): ‘. . . iudex iustus appellatus est’ (p. 4, 20). In some text of the narrative, there appears to have crept in a gloss or explanation of Paris’ name, deriving it from Latin par, ‘equal,’ hence ‘equitable’ or ‘impartial.’ Cf. K:

daʒ er geheiʒen Pârîs

wart dur sîn gelîcheʒ reht.

‘pâr’ und ‘gelîch’ sint ebensleht


Leom: ‘E dixole asi Paris commo aparejo o ygual porque daua sienpre los juyzios yguales fascas derechos’ (152); S:

Of alle dedis [H domes] þe child was wis;

ffor-þy he was called child Parys


Alf adduces the same etymology: ‘. . . sobre aquel nombre [Elexe] que auie antes pusieron le este otro Paris, delos juyzios que daua pares’ (27). Cf. also Alex, where Priam receives Paris back into his household on a ‘par’ with his brothers, then changes his name, ‘Ca ygual lo fazia || de los otros & par’ (360).

 [10]  Cf. ET: ‘. . . inter cornua imponebat’ (p. 4, 14); GT: ‘. . . vast entzwüschen dü horn’ (1783); TP: ‘. . . imponebat cornibus eorum’ (159).

 [11]  ET, p. 4, 23-25. Cf. En:

La parole li unt mostree

de la pome, qui ert donee

a la plus bele d’eles trois


Cf. also S: (the goddesses ask Paris to take the ball),

And ʒeue þe bal þer corteysely,

As þeo lettres spak, to þeo faireste lady


 [12]  ET: ‘iudicium comperendinavit’ (p. 4, 25-26). Cf. En:

porpansa soi que jugemant

ne feroit pas hastivemant

sanz grant porpens, et rova lor

a lui reviegnent al tierz jor


In RM (538) the goddesses ‘sette a day’ when they are to come to judgment.

 [13]  E.g., Juno says that she has power to bestow wealth: TP: ‘. . . habeo enim in potestate divitias’ (161); Leom (Juno says that): ‘. . . ella abia poder de dar las riquezas a quien quisiese’ (153); K:

 [[ Print Edition Page No. a ]] 

Figure 2

Ri 61v, p. 23, l. 2-p. 24, l. 16

 [[ Print Edition Page No. lv ]] 

‘ich hân in mîner werden hant

grôʒlichen hort und allen schaz’



‘ffor y haue myʒt to ʒeue richesse

To whom y wol, more or lasse’


A similar statement is made by Pallas; cf. TP (161), Leom (153), K (1954), and S (573-574).
Venus reminds Paris of his justice: IT: ‘Paris, settu se’leale uomo, tu mi dei la mela donare’ (382); S:

‘ffor þou art þe trewest knyght

And all þyng þou Jugest ryght’

(MS H, 443-444).

 [14]  Alf shows that Pallas is mistress of two accomplishments; and this is his explanation of her two names: ‘. . . en lo que me dizen Pallas so deesa delos saberes liberales, et Minerua deesa de batalla’ (39).

 [15]  IT: ‘. . . io ti donerò bello dono. Ciò fia chettutte le donne chetti vedranno t’amaranno e qualunque tue vorrai, sitti darò’ (382); TP: ‘. . . te amabunt pulchrae dominae’ (161); S:

‘Alle wymmen þat þe seon wiþ syʒt

Schole þe loue wiþ al heore myʒt’



‘sag mir, lieber friunt guot,

zuo welher froun stê dir der muot’


Alex: ‘dar te yo casamiento || muger qual tu quisieres’ (386).

 [16]  Cf. TS: ‘hon [Freyja = Venus] beraði líkam sinn’ (22).

 [17]  Probably ‘wrestlers.’ See the note to p. 5, 28, below.

 [18]  Another distinct version of Paris’ return to Troy is traceable in some of the accounts. In C (243), Venus reveals the identity of Paris just after the judgment, and Priam again receives him into his household. This is the version followed by TP, in which Venus (at the judgment) says: ‘. . . et indicabo tibi patrem et matrem: pater tibi est Prêjamuš rex et mater Jakupa domina Troiae urbis’ (163). In TS (20) and S (291-294) Paris is received again into his family just after the fight of the bulls, since Priam has somehow heard about his son. K appears to have been influenced by both versions; i.e., Venus reveals Paris’ identity and Priam recognizes him as his son (3208-3209); but later Paris fights with Hector and has to have his identity revealed again by the shepherd (5051 ff.).

 [19]  See above, p. xxxiii.

 [20]  In the classical versions of the story, as in C, Menelaus is present when Paris arrives, but later departs. See the note to p. 7, 21, below. In C he departs ‘in expeditionem’; cf. Rep Chron (34): ‘Menelaus ir man [was] ein hervart gevarn’; Alex (399): ‘Ouol rey a yr || en una caualgada.’

 [21]  In ET Achilles is said to be ‘in parthenos’—‘in the guise of a virgin’ (see p. 9, 20). The Riccardian MS reads ‘in parchimos,’ which would surely have been taken for the name of a place. It is striking that in S (1240) Achilles is sent to the ‘lond of Parchy’ to live with the maidens.

 [22]  ET, at a later point, contains what may be a partial explanation of this corruption: when Achilles is betrayed by Polyxena, he consents to come to the temple of Apollo, where custom demands that ‘inermis et nuda planta ingrediebatur.’ Accordingly Achilles ‘inermis nuda planta templum ingressus est’ (12, 27-30). The word planta, interpreted literally, might have given rise to the idea that it was in this part of the body that Achilles was smitten.

 [23]  Also called in S, ‘water of helle’:

His modir him baþede in þe water of helle,

And was honged by þe feet & þries deopped adoun

 [[ Print Edition Page No. lvi ]] 

Body and blod, hed and croun,

Bote þeo soles of his feet

Þer his modir hondes seet


Cf. ET, 10, 23-26. The picture in S of Achilles’ bath could very well have come from a reading of the Latin account.

 [24]  S:

To þe firmament heo lokid, wiþ-oute les,

And þer heo saw, saun faile,

Hire sone scholde beo slayn in bataile


Here again we find a striking correspondence to the Riccardian MS of ET: ‘Et dum tractaret mater sua constellationem eius,’ etc. (10, 26-27). This strengthens the probability that the author of S had read ET in something like its present form. Regarding the close similarity of S to ET, note the comments of G. Hofstrand, The Seege of Troye (Lund, 1936), 196-203. After an examination of the first part of ET (Speculum, IX, 397-404), he states: ‘The details about Paris’ youth seem to make it certain that some version of it was known to the author of the Seege . . .’ (p. 202).

 [25]  In some text of the Achilles story there must have occurred a gloss or explanation to the effect that Chiron was half man, half horse. S: ‘Half mon, half hors his fadir [!] was’ (1206); Rep Chron: ‘[Schirone] der was halb ein ros, halb ein man’ (35); JE: ‘der was halp ros, halp man’ (14551); GT: ‘Halb rosse unde man’ (14973); Maerlant: ‘Al was hy half man ende half paert’ (99); Herbort: ‘Halp ros vñ halp man’ (291); K:

daʒ oberteil der forme sîn

was gestellet als ein man

und stieʒ ein underteil dar an,

daʒ eime rosse was gelîch


 [26]  In ET the Greeks obtain their information at the temple of Minerva, outside the walls of Troy; in Leom (178 f.) it is the temple of ‘Mares e Apolo’ in Athens. All the other accounts make use of a soothsayer of some kind. In JE (15081 ff.) he is not named; in K (4548; 4599 ff.) and Gow (V, 3082 ff.) it is Proteus; in Alex (406) it is Calchas; in GT (14885 ff.) it is Media; in S (1191) it is Palmydes. In several accounts there are references to star-reading as the source of the prophet’s knowledge: S (Palmydes):

‘ffor a man, the god of lybye,

He shewed me full vtterly

In a planete, verement,

He [Achilles] shall him [Hector] slene

with dolfull dynte’

(MS H, 1199a-1199d).

In Rep Chron (35) the king asks his ‘sternenseher’ to reveal the future; in Gow (V, 3086) Proteus is asked to ‘seche after constellacion’ to determine how Troy can be taken; in GT Media is said to be so wise

Daz sy an dem gestirnne kos

Waz wunders söltte geschechen


In K Proteus is said to know the heavens:

den louf an dem gestirne

bekande der prophête


All these references may have some connection with the ‘constellationem’ of ET, quoted above (p. lvi, n. 24) in a different but contiguous episode.

 [[ Print Edition Page No. lvii ]] 

 [27]  In Ulr the life of Achilles among women is grandly confused with the pretended madness of Ulysses.

 [28]  Cf. also GT (18891), where Achilles is said to be invulnerable except ‘undan durch die füsse.’ The exact manner of Achilles’ death in this account (19355 ff.) is not entirely clear, since something may have dropped out of the text at line 19399.

 [29]  Leom (247) also mentions this story as a variant version of the death of Achilles.

 [30]  See pp. lv-lvi, notes 23-24. Since the present volume has been in press, E. B. Atwood has published a series of three studies of the Seege of Troy, in which the relationship of ET to the English poem is more fully traced. See ‘The Youth of Paris in the Seege of Troye,University of Texas Studies in English, 1941, 7-23; ‘The Judgment of Paris in the Seege of Troye,PMLA, lvii (June, 1942), 343-353; and ‘The Story of Achilles in the Seege of Troye,Studies in Philology xxxix (July, 1942), 489-501.

 [31]  I. e., in the accounts of Saturn, Jupiter, Pluto, Neptune, of Jupiter’s affairs with Io, etc.

 [32]  Evidence of this is found in the detail of the inscription in which Paris plights his troth. Heroides, v, 29-30:

Cum Paris Oenone poterit spirare relicta,

Ad fontem Xanthi versa recurret aqua.

TP: ‘. . . et dixit ei Alexander: o domina Oineuša, non deseram te; si vero te deseruero, fluvius hic Kašantuša retrorsum fluet’ (163). K:

man sol daʒ wiʒʒen hiute

und êweclichen iemer mê,

sô Pârîs und Egenoê

von ir minne scheident

und beide ein ander leident,

sô muoʒ diʒ waʒʒer wunneclich

ze berge flieʒen hinder sich

und widersinnes riuschen


 [33]  See above, p. xl, n. 34.

 [34]  See M. E. Barnicle, The Seege or Batayle of Troye, p. lxxii.

 [35]  In MS H of S (400-404) Fortune had cast the apple for the goddesses to find—likewise a perfectly natural mediaevalizing of Discordia.

 [36]  MS Bibl. Nat. fr. 373, Book xi—a photostatic copy of which was kindly lent me by Professor S. B. Meech of the University of Michigan.

 [37]  Die mittelalterlichen Bearbeitungen der Trojanersage, p. 95. See above, p. xl, n. 34.

 [38]  On this see A. Aarne, Der reiche Mann und sein Schwiegersohn (FF Communications, no. 23, Hamina, 1916), p. 57.

 [39]  Fabulae, no. 252.

 [40]  The Library, iii, xii, 5.

 [41]  Ed. H. Bertelsen (2 vols., Copenhagen, 1905-11), i, 299.

 [42]  Miss Barnicle’s opinion that the various mediaeval versions of the Paris story are primarily derivatives of traditional lore, plus a judicious use of the extant classics (Seege, p. lxxiv), seems hardly tenable. Unless we assume the existence of a basic Latin narrative we are unable to account for the mediaeval stories as products of tradition, although they certainly may have been expanded and modified from such a cause.

 [43]  Ll. 13619 ff.

 [44]  P. 18.

 [45]  Gunnlaugs Saga Ormstungu, ed. Finnur Jónsson (Copenhagen, 1916), pp. 4-7.

 [46]  Ll. 261-272.

 [[ Print Edition Page No. lviii ]] 

 [47]  See above, p. xxxv.

 [48]  The death of Achilles in S (1750-1755), in which he is slain by being wounded in the soles with knives and swords, seems to have been entirely original. The rather ignominious death of Achilles in GT, as has been shown (p. xxxvii), simply arises from a misconception of the character of Paris.

 [49]  Both claimed to have been eye-witnesses of the Trojan War. The mediaeval writers therefore took great pride in telling the story exactly as Dares and Dictys had told it, even when they knew those sources only at second hand.

 [[ Print Edition Page No. lix ]] 

V. The Redaction of Virgil

It has been shown1 that the prose version of the Aeneid contained in the Excidium Troiae represents a mediaeval reworking of a considerably earlier summary of Virgil’s narrative. Since the piece in its present form has been much tampered with, it is not possible to decide exactly which elements of the text are original and which are the work of later hands. In general we may say that the earlier version must have told a simple, chronological story in spite of its pedantry, and that it must have included a number of explanatory digressions revealing a certain degree of learning. To the mediaeval redactor we can probably attribute a further vulgarization of the language, and a very large number of poorly digested and often inappropriate quotations from the Aeneid.

It is by no means necessary, however, to suppose that all the quotations in ET are interpolations of this redactor. Some of them are very closely woven into the story, and are so simplified as to be in perfect harmony with their context. Such, for example, is Nisus’ agonized speech when he sees the Rutuli about to kill Eurialus (43, 25-44, 2).2 Such also is the speech of Polydorus’ ghost, who tells Aeneas about his fate, and then warns him to depart (22, 10-16). The text abounds in simple quotations and paraphrases which are quite skillfully handled and which must have been part of the original. Yet there are many others that are longer and more pretentious, the introduction of which is abominably malapropos. These must have been added by the mediaeval redactor, or perhaps by more than one—for some are much worse than others.3 An example of this kind of interpolation is recognizable just after the story of Paris’ judgment, where the episode is glossed by a quotation concerning Juno’s wrath (see p. xiv). Equally spurious and inept is the passage in which Palinurus, while drowning in the deep, cries out and begs that dust be scattered on his body (25, 9-15). In the Aeneid this appeal occurs during Aeneas’ visit to hell, after Palinurus has explained that he drifted to the shores of Italy and was slain there, and that his body remained unburied. But since neither Palinurus’ escape from the waves nor Aeneas’ visit to hell is mentioned in ET, it seems that the interpolator merely picked out a speech of Palinurus and attached it to him wherever he found him, which happened to be in the act of drowning.

In most cases the Virgilian quotations serve no useful purpose in the actual narrative; rather than carrying on the story, they usually do nothing but interrupt it. Time after time it can be observed that the
 [[ Print Edition Page No. lx ]] 
narrative takes up after the quotation at the exact point which it had reached before it; and the awkward transitions at such points are a strong indication that the redactor rewrote the original text only to an extent sufficient to allow the introduction of the quotation. Examples may be found on pp. 13, 22-27; 17, 6-14, and in many other passages.

The corrupt state in which many of the quotations are found is in numerous cases merely due to bad copying, as a comparison of the three manuscripts will readily indicate. Others seem to show lapses of memory or lack of understanding on the part of the redactor. Such are Juno’s speech to Eolus (26, 1-6) and Iarbas’ supplication to Jupiter (35, 16-20). In many cases an originally bad quotation is still further corrupted by copyists who are unable to understand it. The Rawlinson MS has, for example, ‘Dextera mihi deus est et telum commisibile librum’ (45, 15-16) corresponding to Virgil’s ‘telum, quod missile libro’ (Aen., x, 773). The Riccardian has ‘celum comisso libro’; both scribes obviously had a faulty quotation before them and can hardly be blamed for making it worse.4 There are a few interesting cases of unintelligent quoting in which the passage is carried to the end of a line, the last part of which makes no sense at all without its context. Juno agrees to bring Aeneas and Dido together in a cave, and: ‘ “Illic himeneus erit.” Non acerba petenti. Quid multa?’ (34, 22-23).5 In the Aeneid the passage runs thus:

‘hic hymenaeus erit.’ non adversata petenti

adnuit atque dolis risit Cytherea repertis

(iv, 127-128).

And when Turnus is killed by Aeneas he says: ‘Vicisti, vicisti; et victum tendere palmas’ (54, 18-19), whereas Virgil has:

‘vicisti et victum tendere palmas

Ausonii videre’

(xii, 936-937).

Such quotations as those noted certainly indicate no great understanding of the Aeneid; they seem to proceed from a mind devoted to rote learning, and devoid of judgment and taste.

The individual corruptions of Virgil and the points of correspondence between ET and the Aeneid can easily be followed from the testimonia which accompany the text, and so it will not be necessary to give a complete comparison at this point. The details of the story are actually quite close to those of the Aeneid, and it is seldom that we find a completely original passage of any length. Of course there are many omissions;
 [[ Print Edition Page No. lxi ]] 
ET contains no account whatever of the following events: the building of a fleet by the Trojans (iii, 1 ff.); the visits to Delos and Crete (iii, 73-208); the meeting with Andromache (iii); the prophecy of Helenus (iii); the encounter with Scylla and Charybdis (iii); the supplication of Venus and Jupiter’s prophecy (i, 223-296); the funeral games in celebration of Anchises (v); and Aeneas’ visit to the underworld (vi). A multitude of minor details are likewise omitted, although most of the other principal events are mentioned in some manner. The chief alteration is in the order of the narrative; ET rearranges the events so as to make them proceed chronologically from the building of the wooden horse to the arrival of Aeneas in Africa, rather than begin in medias res, with the storm which drives Aeneas to Carthage. This arrangement is not without skill, and it indicates a rather firm knowledge of the fall of Troy which need not have been derived entirely from Virgil.6 There are also numerous combinations and compressions of events, as when the drowning of Orontes and the later loss of Palinurus are turned into a single event.7 Similar economy is found in the account of Aeneas’ departure from Dido, wherein he merely goes away to his ships while Dido is asleep and thereby avoids a long and painful scene.8

The additions which have been made to the Virgilian narrative may be divided into two classes: those which are completely original and those which have been derived from other sources. In the former category undoubtedly come many of the speeches, which show little similarity to the corresponding passages in the Aeneid, being, on the whole, much more simple and direct. In many cases speeches and conversations appear which do not occur in the Aeneid at all. Dido, for example, gives a long account of herself beginning ‘Quia ego etiam peregrina sum in hac provincia . . .’ (30, 17-18). She makes no such speech in Virgil, although part of it corresponds to what Venus has already told Aeneas in i, 340 ff. And when Aeneas arrives in Italy he is met by a group of the cives and he has a long conversation with them (37, 22 ff.). They want to know who he is and what he wants; he gives them a summary of his wanderings and expresses a desire to found a kingdom in Italy. They ask him how he expects to do this, since Latinus has allied himself to Turnus and the two of them are extremely powerful. Virgil gives no hint of such a conversation, although he does give the pertinent information about Latinus and Turnus (vii, 47 ff.). A great deal of original dialogue is to be found throughout ET. The characters speak rapidly, colloquially, realistically—in such a way as to arouse a lively interest in young readers. Now and then an original descriptive detail is added,
 [[ Print Edition Page No. lxii ]] 
as when Mezentius, before returning to battle, plasters his wounds with flour: ‘plagas suas de farina calcavit’ (47, 16), or when a corpse is said to be ‘vermibus ebulliens’ (45, 10); yet for the most part the truly original element is confined to dramatic speeches and conversations.

With regard to the details added from sources other than the Aeneid it will be impossible to speak with finality. It is quite certain that other sources were used; yet in most cases it is not possible to determine which one of a number of accounts was used, or whether the author had access to a source which is not now extant. It is clear that some information about the fall of Troy was taken from another account. There is an episode, for example, in which the Greeks, after having built the wooden horse, cast about for some means of placing it inside the walls of Troy. Sinon volunteers for this service; he instructs the Greeks to scourge him and bind him, and then to leave him in the swamps near Troy (14, 8 ff.). It is, to be sure, conceivable that the author could have invented the entire scene, together with the dialogue. Yet the episode is entirely in accordance with Greek tradition. Quintus of Smyrna tells that the Greeks, having built the wooden horse, are in need of a brave man to remain near the horse and to deceive the Trojans into accepting it. Sinon volunteers for this service and withstands the tortures of the Trojans in order to perpetrate his fraud.9 In the Posthomerica of Tzetzes10 we find that Sinon had allowed himself to be wounded, and Tryphiodorus, in The Taking of Ilium,11 mentions the fact that when he was found he showed signs of having been whipped. Now since the Trojan chronicle from which the first part of ET was drawn is very close in all essentials to the Greek Troy narratives,12 it seems reasonable to suppose that this source was also used to some extent in supplementing Virgil’s account of Sinon and the overthrow of Troy.13

The short account of the sacrifice of Polyxena (20, 1-5) may also have been found in the original chronicle, although the details of her death are unclassical. The reference to Polyxena as she who had previously betrayed Achilles (20, 1-2) definitely connects the episode with an earlier point in the Troy story. There is, therefore, at least a strong suggestion that the death of Polyxena was drawn from a later portion of the chronicle that supplied the story of Polyxena’s betrayal of her husband. This suggestion is certainly incapable of proof, for similar accounts of Polyxena’s death at the hands of Pyrrhus are found in a great number of sources, including Apollodorus,14 Quintus of Smyrna,15 Hyginus,16 Ovid,17 Dictys,18 Servius,19 and the second Vatican Mythographer.20 The statement that Polyxena was shut up within Achilles’ tomb rather than butchered in the
 [[ Print Edition Page No. lxiii ]] 
conventional way shows a noticeable similarity to the account of Mezentius’ tortures, related in a later portion of ET (45, 6 ff.). But, as Professor Oldfather has suggested, the narrative may have been influenced at this point by the story of Danae, or that of Antigone, where a similar situation is to be found.

Another addition which very likely came partly from the Trojan chronicle is the short account of Polyphemus and his blinding by Odysseus. This is suggested by the use in this passage of the Greek form ‘Odisseus’ rather than ‘Ulixes,’ which is used by Virgil. ‘Odisseus’ is used throughout the story of the Trojan War,21 whereas ‘Ulixes’ is used where the story follows the Aeneid. The change back to ‘Odisseus’ in this episode furnishes some evidence that the author of ET is here reverting to the same narrative which furnished the earlier material concerning Odysseus. To be sure, there is not a great deal of information which might not have come from Virgil; ET gives only the barest summary of Odysseus’ wanderings and his arrival in Sicily. We find then the non-Virgilian explanation that the Cyclopes were discipuli of Vulcan and that their seat of operations was at Mount Aetna. This is not Homeric, yet it is certainly in harmony with later classical tradition.22 A curious variation from Virgil is the statement that Odysseus blinded the Cyclops ‘de lampade ardente’ (24, 1). In the Aeneid (iii, 635) it is a dart or spear of some kind (‘telo . . . acuto’), while in other versions of the Cyclops story there is a remarkable assortment of weapons.23

The question naturally arises as to whether any of the information in ET was drawn from the Servian commentaries. Although there are several points of correspondence, no conclusive evidence of such a relationship can be found, since the statements in question are always to be found in other sources, and since there is no noticeable verbal similarity. The brief account of the burial of Anchises (24, 24-25) may owe something to Servius, although he merely expresses wonder that no such account is given in the Aeneid: ‘Quaeritur sane cur sine ulla descriptione funus patris praeterierit?’ (Aen., iii, 711). An account of Polyxena’s death is also found in the Commentarii, but, as has been shown above (p. lxii), this is also contained in a great number of other sources. The same might be said of the other parallels between ET and the Servian commentaries; they are hardly sufficiently striking to warrant the assumption that the author of ET made direct use of that source.24 The same is true of Macrobius; there is no valid evidence of direct dependence, although the explanatory method is sometimes similar.25

There is one possible indication of the use of Ovid’s Fasti, although
 [[ Print Edition Page No. lxiv ]] 
here too the correspondence may represent an indirect rather than a direct relationship. This is found in the account of Dido’s funeral, in which it is stated that Anna placed her sister’s remains ‘in Liburno litrino’ (37, 10-11) beside those of her husband Sichaeus. Ovid does not mention Sichaeus or the Liburnian vessel,26 but he gives a rather full account of affairs after Dido’s death, including her burial and epitaph, and the last rites paid to her by Anna.27 His motive is an interest in the story of Anna, who, it turns out, is also in love with Aeneas and who later wanders to Italy and involves herself in difficulties with Lavinia.

An attempt should be made to determine something of the literary influence of the story of Aeneas contained in ET and to indicate whether or not it was known and used to any extent during the Middle Ages. Since the Aeneid itself was read and understood only by the most scholarly of the mediaeval writers, it is likely that prose summaries of the story such as ET had a considerable sub-literary vogue, and that it was on such sources that many mediaeval readers depended for their knowledge of Virgil. It is doubtful, however, if any intermediate version of the Aeneid succeeded in establishing itself as a widely accepted authority. Comparatively speaking, there is a considerable degree of independence between the various mediaeval stories of Aeneas—an independence attributed by Salverda de Grave to the great popularity of Virgil among mediaeval writers.28 There are, to be sure, a few traditional accretions to the story which are difficult to account for. De Grave points out, for example, that in the Eneydes (the source of Caxton’s translation), the Roman d’Eneas, and the Histoire ancienne jusqu’à César, Aeneas, after having overcome Turnus, sees on him the ring of which he had previously robbed the youthful Pallas, and that Aeneas kills Turnus and takes the ring. In the Aeneid (xii, 942) it is a girdle, whereas in ET it is a bracelet (‘brachialem’; p. 54, 22). Such correspondences are baffling, and in the absence of other and more extensive similarities are well-nigh impossible to account for. Parodi29 also has pointed out some interdependences between the Italian accounts of Aeneas. One interesting observation (p. 104) is that in La Fiorita of Armannino Giudice the companions of Aeneas are taken as prisoners when they come to Carthage; in the Aeneid (i, 520 ff.) Ilioneus complains to Dido that his ships have not been permitted to land, and that they have been threatened with flames, but he and his companions enjoy personal liberty at the time. In ET, however (29, 12 ff.), the Trojans are brought before Dido in fetters, and she, hearing the appeal of Ilioneus, releases them from their chains.

There is somewhat firmer evidence for connecting the Virgilian story
 [[ Print Edition Page No. lxv ]] 
of ET with that found in Eneas, an Old French romance previously discussed in Section iii. As we have noted (pp. xxxviii; xliv), the two narratives show a striking similarity in the episode of the judgment of Paris. Moreover, at several points in the story of Aeneas there is evidence that the author of Eneas had access to some form of the ET narrative. Indications of this influence are especially noticeable in some of the speeches and conversations of Aeneas and others. It should be emphasized that the speeches found in Eneas are not slavishly dependent on Virgil or any other source; there is a high degree of originality in them which springs from a natural tendency to mediaevalize the story. Yet there is some evidence that the author was familiar with the colloquial passages of ET (or a closely related text), and in some instances considered them better suited to the tone of his narrative than the epic utterances in the Aeneid. Consider for example the speech of Ilioneus to Dido, in which occurs a summary of the Trojans’ wanderings not found in the Aeneid: the destruction of Troy, the assembly and departure of the Trojans, and their exile for seven years:

Bien as oï, ja a lonc tens,

que Greu furent vers Troïens;

astrent la vile et trebucherent . .

De la celestial ligniee

ot an Troie un riche baron;

de cele grant ocision

qu’i feisoient la nuit li Greu,

lo garantirent bien li deu;

fors lo mistrent de la cité;

grant gent ot o lui asanblé.

Por lor comandement vait querre

Itaille, une loigtaine terre;

quise l’avons set anz par mer,

ne la poons ancor trover

(565-567; 572-582).

In ET (29, 20 ff.), at the same point in the story, Ilioneus gives a very similar account of the Trojans’ departure, of the promised kingdom in Italy, and, finally, of the seven-year exile. Although the passage in Eneas shows considerable freedom, it is clear that in substance it corresponds to that of ET. Consider also Dido’s reply to this same speech of Ilioneus, in which she says that she also is a stranger in the country, and thus has a great sympathy for exiles:

Ge refui ja plus esgaree,

 [[ Print Edition Page No. lxvi ]] 

quant ge ving an ceste contree,

car ne sui pas de cest païs;

par moi lo sai, bien l’ai apris,

que ge doi bien avoir pitié

d’ome, sel voi desconsoillié


Although a similar statement is found in the Aeneid, it occurs in Dido’s speech to Aeneas just after he reveals himself (1, 628-630). In ET, however, as in Eneas, the statement is part of Dido’s answer to Ilioneus at this same point: ‘Quia ego etiam peregrina sum in hac provincia, etiam et vos audite casus meos’ (30, 17-18)—after which she gives an account of her exile from Tyre.

Another speech in Eneas which was no doubt taken from the prose account is that of Aeneas to his comrades when he leaves them to seek the aid of Evander, no trace of which is to be found in the Aeneid. Eneas tells that before setting out Aeneas calls his men together, commends the camp to their keeping, and warns them against attack:

Toz ses chevaliers asanbla . . .

‘Seignor,’ fait il, ‘an ceste terre

somes molt acoilli de guerre.

Turnus ne nos i velt laisier,

venir nos doit ci asegier . . .

Venus ma mere m’a mandé

que ci pres a une cité,

dun Euander est rois et sire . . .

El me mande que quiere aïe . . .’

(4562; 4565-4568; 4573-4575; 4579).

In ET (39, 14-20) we also find an account of this assembly and Aeneas’ warning against enemy attack, together with his statement that he must depart to seek Evander. Although Aeneas’ farewell speech in the Eneas is considerably longer, it is obvious that in essence it is the same, and that the idea for such a farewell scene must have been derived from the prose account. A similar correspondence is found in connection with the excursion of Nisus and Euryalus to obtain the return of Aeneas. Ascanius, according to the French poem, tells them that if they are able to do this he will divide his kingdom (if he ever obtains one) equally among the three of them:

se cest besoing poëz fornir

et ge viegne a terre tenir,

 [[ Print Edition Page No. lxvii ]] 

nos en esterons partot troi,

ja n’en seroiz peor de moi


In the Aeneid (ix, 258-280) Ascanius promises Nisus a number of gifts, including the domain held by King Latinus, and he tells Euryalus that he will make him his comrade in all things. In ET (42, 6-7), however, we find that Ascanius proposes to divide his kingdom among them if they are successful in their mission.30

It is possible that a few other details in the story originated in ET. Sinon, in the Eneas, is found tied ‘sor le fossé’ (l. 950); in ET he is ‘ante pendacem cinctum’ (14, 16 and note). If the assumption is correct that this was taken to stand for pendicem, ‘slope’ or ‘bank,’ then the detail in Eneas may well have come from the prose account. Another similar detail is found in the account of Volcens. Virgil (ix, 367 ff.) tells that Volcens captures Euryalus and that Nisus thereupon gives himself up. The Rutuli slay Euryalus, whereupon Nisus rushes upon Volcens and kills him. In Eneas (ll. 5240-5267) and in ET (43, 19-20) Nisus merely wounds Volcens—in the former after he gives himself up, in the latter before. In both accounts Volcens lives to see their heads brought back to the Rutulian camp on spears.31 Finally, there is a similarity in connection with Aeneas’ duel with Turnus, during which Turnus casts a huge stone at Aeneas. In ET (54, 15-16) Aeneas catches it: ‘ipsum lapidem Eneas exceptavit,’ while in Eneas (9761 ff.) he wards it off with his shield. Virgil (xii, 906-907) merely says that the stone falls short; and since this outcome is decidedly anticlimactic, it is quite possible that each writer supplied a more striking conclusion independently.

It is certainly not a tenable supposition that the author of Eneas used the ET narrative as a source for any considerable portion of the story. Yet there is certainly sufficient evidence that the prose source was known to him and that it left some traces in his account. We need not necessarily question his knowledge of Virgil,32 for his task was not merely that of a translator; he felt at liberty to use whatever appealed to him in other sources, so long as the general outlines of the story remained the same.

Another version of the Aeneas story which bears a close relationship to ET is that contained in the Chronicon Pontificum et Imperatorum of Martinus Polonus.33 Parodi34 has already pointed out in his discussion of the Riccardian MS that Martinus’ account of Aeneas’ visit to Evander is significantly similar to that found in ET; and he concludes that there must be some source relation between the two passages. Indeed, that similarity extends throughout Martinus’ abbreviated account of Aeneas’
 [[ Print Edition Page No. lxviii ]] 
wanderings, and it is sufficiently striking to bring into question the editor’s attribution of this portion of the Chronicon to the Aeneid. As for facts and details, there is nothing in Martinus’ passage which is not to be found in ET. After an initial quotation from Orosius concerning the origin of the war,35 the Chronicon states merely that Aeneas departed from Troy with Ascanius and Anchises; that he arrived in Sicily, where Anchises died;36 that he was driven by a tempest to Africa, where he was loved by Dido, the founder of Carthage;37 and that he deserted her and proceeded to Italy. An account so lacking in detail is impossible to trace to a source; it is, to be sure, Virgilian in a general way, yet it also corresponds to pp. 21-37 of ET. The Chronicon proceeds as follows:

Ubi cum in portu, ubi Tyberis influit mare, applicuisset, dictum est ei in sompnis: Vade ad regem Evandrum, qui regnat in 7 montibus—scilicet in eo loco ubi postea Roma condita est—et pugnat contra Latinum regem, et tu iuvabis eum, quia tibi debetur regnum Ytalie. Et ut credas, do tibi istud signum: Quando processeris invenies sub arbore ylice suem vel porcam albam cum 30 filiis albis. Et ibi ex hoc eventu post civitas edificata est que usque hodie Albanum nomen accepit

(p. 399).

In a considerably longer passage in ET (38, 19-39, 13), the Tiber delivers essentially the same message to Aeneas. The correspondence to Martinus is especially striking in two non-Virgilian details: first, the statement that Evander ruled in the Seven Hills (38, 28); second, the explanation that this was the place where Rome was later founded (39, 5-9). Certain of Martinus’ peculiarities of expression, moreover, could hardly be coincidental: the ‘ut credas’ clause (ET: ‘Et ut dictis meis credas . . . ,’ 39, 2); the use of ‘filiis’ (for ‘porcellis’) and of the form ‘Albanum’ (for Virgil’s ‘Alba’—viii, 48). The name appears variously in ET as ‘Albana civitas,’ ‘Albana’ (alone), and ‘Albanum’ (presumably to designate the kingdom, as distinguished from the city)—but never as ‘Alba.’ The Chronicon proceeds to describe Aeneas’ meeting with Evander:

Cum autem Evander vidisset Eneam, suspicatus hostem, sibi cum armis occurrit. At Eneas hoc cernens, tulit ramum olyve, sibi ostendens in signum pacis more antiquorum, qui de terra ad terram transeuntes, ne crederentur hostes, ramum olyve in manu deferebant pacem pretendendo

(p. 399).

The emphasis on the use of the olive branch shows considerable similarity
 [[ Print Edition Page No. lxix ]] 
to ET (39, 26-40, 3), in which Aeneas uses this means of announcing his peaceful intentions.

It is evident that ET represents a version of the story which somehow, in some form, was used by Martinus in the preparation of his Chronicon. Yet the lack of extended verbal parallels precludes the idea that he copied directly from our text. Martinus’ treatment of his sources is irregular; whereas in this section of his narrative he quotes verbatim from Orosius, he follows Paulus Diaconus at a considerable verbal distance.38 The parallels we have noted might be explained in a number of ways. ET may be only an indirect source; that is, an intermediate redaction might have existed between ET and the Chronicon. Or we might presuppose an earlier Latin source from which both accounts were drawn.39 But the simplest and most logical explanation, it would seem, is that Martinus, with characteristic carelessness, merely draws his story from ET by memory. We find in the quoted passages the typical traits of recollected matter—the gaps in thought, the capricious emphasis on the relatively insignificant—which appear to indicate that Martinus’ Virgilian story is merely a remembered version of ET.

One more instance of the use of the ET narrative by mediaeval writers should be mentioned at this point, although the indicated influence is but a slight one. This occurs in a passage in Chaucer’s Legend of Dido, in which Aeneas steals furtively away from Dido’s bed:

For on a night, slepinge, he let her lye,

And stal a-wey un-to his companye,

And, as a traitour, forth he gan to saile

Toward the large contree of Itaile


This is not a radical alteration of Virgil’s narrative, since in the Aeneid the ships actually set sail before dawn; but the total effect of Chaucer’s account heightens quite perceptibly the rascality of Aeneas’ desertion. In Virgil Aeneas takes his leave after a painful scene and goes ‘unto his company’ with Dido’s full knowledge (iv, 393 ff.); Dido is definitely not asleep at the time, but from her tower watches the fleet preparing to depart (ll. 408-411), and even requests Aeneas to delay his departure for a short time (ll. 419-440). ET, on the other hand, takes a much less sympathetic view of Aeneas’ behavior at this point. When Dido accuses Aeneas of wanting to leave her, he lies unscrupulously and tells her that he has no such notion (36, 14-15). But his ships are prepared and he steals away from Dido’s bed while she is asleep (36, 17-20). Now, this variation in the story was obviously ideal for Chaucer’s purpose, and it
 [[ Print Edition Page No. lxx ]] 
is quite plausible to suppose that he helped himself to it. The close verbal similarity practically precludes the idea that the parallel is a coincidence. An even more definite indication that Chaucer had this source in mind is his statement that when Aeneas stole away from Dido he left his sword at the head of her bed:

A cloth41 he lafte, and eek his swerd stonding

Whan he fro Dido stal in her sleping,

Right at her beddes heed . . .


This detail is not found in Virgil or Ovid, but it obviously corresponds exactly to the passage cited from ET, in which Aeneas leaves his sword ‘ad caput lecti’ (36, 20).

It is certainly no discredit to Chaucer that he allowed himself the privilege of drawing from so inferior and amateurish a version of the story of Aeneas. The episode that he found there fitted beautifully into his two-fold purpose: that of blackening the character of Aeneas and at the same time arousing greater sympathy for Dido, the Martyr of Love.


 [1]  Above, pp. xiii-xiv.

 [2]  On the Virgilian quotations see E. G. Parodi’s discussion of the Riccardian MS: ‘I Rifacimenti e le Traduzioni Italiane dell’Eneide di Virgilio,’ Studi di Filologia Romanza, ii (1887), 97-368. He comments, p. 193, on the passage referred to above.

 [3]  E. g., the scribe of Ri made some changes and revisions, and evidently added some quotations and paraphrases not to be found in his exemplar. See below, pp. 18, 1; 41, 1, etc.

 [4]  The passage is missing in MS L.

 [5]  On the MS readings see the note on p. 34, 23. Possibly the interpolator supplied the quotation from memory, giving acerba as a loose synonym for the Virgilian adversata.

 [6]  See pp. lxii f.

 [7]  See p. 25, 4-16. Aen., i, 113-115; v, 835-871.

 [8]  P. 36, 15-20. Aen., iv, 305 ff.

 [9]  Quintus Smyrnaeus, The Fall of Troy, xii, 238-374. For editions of this and following works see Bibliography pp. 339-340 below.

 [10]  Ll. 680-681.

 [11]  Ll. 260-261.

 [12]  See above, p. xvi.

 [13]  It is, of course, not probable that the original Troy story ended at the point where Virgil begins. The source account, whether a Latin or a Greek one, might very well have covered the entire cycle, including the story of Odysseus.

 [14]  Epitome, v, 23.

 [15]  The Fall of Troy, xiv, 304-319.

 [16]  Fabulae, no. 110.

 [17]  Metamorphoses, xiii, 439-480.

 [18]  Ephemeridos Belli Troiani, v, 13.

 [19]  Commentarii, Aen., iii, 321.

 [20]  Mythographi Vaticani, ii, 205.

 [[ Print Edition Page No. lxxi ]] 

 [21]  On the significance of this form, see p. xviii.

 [22]  See Kyklopen in the Pauly-Wissowa Real-Encyclopädie. Euripides (Cyclops, 95, 599 et passim) seems to have this conception of the Cyclopes.

 [23]  In Euripides (Cyclops, 455) Odysseus uses a stake of olive; Apollodorus (Epitome, vii, 7) makes it a sharpened club as in Homer. In the numerous folk versions of the story nearly every conceivable instrument has been utilized: boiling oil, molten lead, rubber made from heather, a hot bar, a spit, a sharpened stick, an awl, a heated knife, and even a pistol (in a modern Breton version). For a summary of thirty-six of these folk tales see J. G. Frazer’s appendix to his edition of Apollodorus (pp. 404-455). MS Ra has ‘de lapide ardente’ (24, 1), which is something new, though perhaps unintentional.

 [24]  E.g., The account of Dido’s trick of cutting the bull’s hide into a narrow strip in order to encircle more land (p. 31, 8-10) corresponds roughly to Servius, Aen., i, 367; but the same episode is related more fully by Justin, Epitoma Historiarum Philippicarum Pompei Trogi, xviii, 5. The explanation of the white sow that marked the site of Alba (p. 39, 10 ff.) resembles that given by Servius, Aen., i, 270 and viii, 43; but whereas Servius states that Alba was founded by Ascanius, ET more than once mentions Postumus Silvius as the founder (pp. 39, 10 ff.; 55, 11 ff.).

 [25]  See above, p. xv.

 [26]  See the note on ‘litrino,’ p. 37, 11.

 [27]  Fasti, iii, 543 ff.

 [28]  In an introductory essay to W. T. Culley and F. J. Furnivall’s edition of Caxton’s Eneydos (E. E. T. S., E. S., no. 57, London, 1890), pp. xxiv ff.

 [29]  In his article in Studi di Filologia Romanza, ii, 97-368, passim.

 [30]  Two other speeches in Eneas which seem to be nearer to ET than to the Aeneid are found in lines 3177-3222 and 4707-4742.

 [31]  In the Aeneid their heads are also placed on spears, but it is after the dead Volcens has been brought back to the Rutulian camp (ix, 465-467).

 [32]  F. M. Warren (PMLA, xvi, 384-385) holds that the entire Eneas was drawn from a Latin prose source; but since he offers in evidence only the differences between Eneas and the Aeneid we are justified in withholding acceptance of this view.

 [33]  Ed. L. Weiland, Mon. Germ. Hist., Scrip., xxii (Hannover, 1872), 377-475.

 [34]  Studi di Filologia Romanza, ii, 191-192.

 [35]  Ed. Weiland, p. 398.

 [36]  P. 398: ‘. . . devenerunt in Syciliam. Ubi Anchise patre mortuo . . .’ Cf. ET, p. 24, 23-24.

 [37]  Pp. 398-399: ‘. . . per tempestatem maris devenerunt in Affricam. Ubi a Dydone regina, que Carthaginem dicitur construxisse, nimium adamatus. . . .’ Cf. ET, p. 38, 4-6.

 [38]  P. 399.

 [39]  This is the explanation favored by Parodi in Studi di Filologia Romanza, ii, 192.

 [40]  Works, ed. W. W. Skeat (6 vols., Oxford, 1899-1900).

 [41]  This represents the garments left by Aeneas, mentioned in Aen., iv, 648.

 [[ Print Edition Page No. lxxii ]] 

VI. The History of Rome

The last part of the Excidium Troiae represents a quite common tendency to connect the story of Aeneas directly with the later history of Rome. This connection is definitely made in the Aeneid itself, in a passage in which Anchises, during Aeneas’ visit to the underworld, utters a prophecy concerning the future glories of Rome (vi, 756-853). It was therefore usual through the Middle Ages for one who wrote of Aeneas to continue the story after the death of Turnus and to mention Aeneas’ mighty successors. Such accounts are found in the Origo Gentis Romanae,1 the Compendium Historiae Troianae-Romanae,2 the Irish Aeneid,3 the Roman d’Eneas,4 and the Eneydos of Caxton.5 These accounts are usually brief; that contained in ET is compressed to the point of incoherence, and so the exact nature of the source is difficult to determine. The most obvious Latin source would be Livy; yet, short as the account is, it contains several details not found in that source, and in some instances it corresponds more closely to the Greek accounts of Plutarch, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, and Dio Cassius. Some of these are the death (or translation) of Aeneas in the river rather than on the battlefield as in Livy;6 the flight of Lavinia to the woods, where she gives birth to Silvius;7 and the division of Procas’ estate so that one son might choose the riches, the other the kingdom.8 The first two of these are found in Dionysius,9 and also in Servius10 and the first Vatican Mythographer;11 the third occurs, so far as has been discovered, only in Plutarch’s life of Romulus.12 Plutarch’s account states that Amulius, after the death of his father, divided the inheritance into two parts, setting the treasures over against the kingdom. Numitor, his brother, chose the kingdom, whereupon Amulius, with the aid of his wealth, made himself so powerful that he was able to overcome Numitor and seize the kingdom. In ET (56, 1 ff.) Numitor saves some difficulty by choosing the riches in the first place, allowing Amulius to take and keep the kingdom. However, since Romulus later (57, 1 ff.) kills Amulius and places Numitor on the throne, it would appear that Amulius was regarded as a usurper, and that the story in ET is simply a compressed version of that told by Plutarch. Numerous other parallels with classical accounts are pointed out in the notes following the text, from which, however, nothing can be concluded except that the author drew from a fuller account (or accounts) than that of Livy. Whether it is necessary to postulate the existence of an earlier Latin or Greek history, or whether we may suppose that the original author of the prose story of Aeneas drew his Roman narrative
 [[ Print Edition Page No. lxxiii ]] 
from a number of sources seems hardly capable of decision at the present time.

The Roman material in ET, brief as it is, seems to have been known in the Middle Ages and accepted, at least in some quarters, as an authority. Landolfus Sagax,13 who made some additions to Eutropius’ Roman history, borrows from ET the following passage concerning Amulius and Numitor:

et dum Procas obisset, testamentum suum duobus filiis suis Amulio et Numitori reliquid, ut unus pecuniam protinus alter regnum susciperet. Amulius vero fratri suo Numitori electionem dedit, quid desiderat, acciperet. Numitor vero pecuniam tulit, Amulius autem regnum optinuit, in quo regnavit annos quadraginta tres. et dum regnum optineret, consuluit responsumque est ei, quia ab stirpe fratris sui occideretur et regnum perderet, statimque eum de regno expulit. Numitor autem abhiens in agro suo vixit. erant autem ei duo filii Sergestus et Rhea que et Ilia dicta est. metuens ergo Amulius rex responsum Sergestum ad venationem secum duxit et eum in silva occidit Rhea vero que et Ilia adimendi partus gratia virgo Vestalis elegit quae14

As has been indicated (p. lxxii), this material probably derives ultimately from Plutarch; it seems not to have been well known,15 and this fact may have led Landolfus to regard it as suitable to the kind of learned annotation he was attempting (or pretending) to achieve. At any rate, the closeness with which he quotes from ET16 indicates that he felt his matter to be at least passably authoritative.

In a considerably later chronicle, the Eneydos of Caxton, there is what appears to be another allusion to the Roman material contained in ET. Regarding the founding of Alba, there is the following statement:

And of thys cite ben many in doubte who buylde it vppe, Ascanyus, or elles Syluyus postunus his brother

(p. 164).17

ET distinguishes itself from all other versions of the story by the statement that Alba was founded by Postumus Silvius rather than by Ascanius (55, 11 ff.); it is probable, therefore, that Caxton’s reference is to some redaction or derivative of the ET story.


 [1]  See p. xx, n. 33.

 [2]  See pp. xxxi f.

 [3]  Ed. George Calder (Irish Texts Society, London, 1907).

 [4]  See pp. xxxviii; lxiv-lxvii.

 [5]  Ed. W. T. Culley and F. J. Furnivall (E. E. T. S., E. S., no. 57, London, 1890).

 [[ Print Edition Page No. lxxiv ]] 

 [6]  The passage in question seems to have that meaning, although it is not entirely clear (55, 3-4).

 [7]  Below, p. 55, 7-10.

 [8]  P. 55, 26-56, 4.

 [9]  Dionysius of Halicarnassus, i, 64 and i, 70 (ed. E. Cary, vol. 1.)

 [10]  Commentarii, Aen., i, 259; i, 270.

 [11]  Mythographi Vaticani, i, 202.

 [12]  III, 2.

 [13]  Ed. H. Droysen, Mon. Germ. Hist., Auct. Antiq., ii (Berlin, 1879), 225-376.

 [14]  P. 227. The italicised phrases represent passages in Paulus’ Historia Romana to which the annotations are supposed to apply.

 [15]  Only one other mention of the episode in Latin has been discovered; that is in the Origo Gentis Romanae, pp. 155 f.

 [16]  The corresponding passage is found on pp. 55, 26-56, 11. It should be observed that Landolfus even fails to correct the name Sergestus, which should be Aegestus.

 [17]  Ed. Culley and Furnivall (London, 1890).

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VII. Literary Characteristics of the Excidium Troiae

It has been shown that the Excidium Troiae as we now have it represents at least two major stages of composition, and that the many mediaeval accretions to the text make it extremely difficult to form an accurate conception of the original account or of its author. Leaving these questions out of consideration, the piece, just as it stands, shows an individuality of its own; there remain certain distinct traits in it which should be commented on critically before concluding this discussion. Though the language is thoroughly mediaeval, the details of the story itself remain strikingly classical. We find none of the accessories of chivalry and religion and magic so common in the mediaeval stories of Troy. Nor do we find the common mediaeval tendency toward allegory and moral interpretation from which few writers entirely escaped. The type of Christian mythography represented by Fulgentius,1 in which classic myths are but symbols of moral truths, might well have been expected to leave some traces in a work of this sort; yet we find in ET only a purely expository tendency—a desire to explain who everyone was and what was meant by every mythological allusion.

A thoroughly amoral and cynical detachment is observable throughout the story, coupled with a patent lack of respect for most of the characters. Aeneas lies unscrupulously to Dido before stealing away from her in the night; yet Dido, rather than being presented as Love’s martyr, is little more than a libidinous courtesan who plans a union with Aeneas, ‘volens se de persona eius satiare’ (33, 9). Paris deliberately postpones his judgment of the goddesses in order to see who will make the best offer (4, 25 ff.). Ascanius is badly frightened when Turnus besieges the camp, and would surrender but for Nisus and Euryalus (41, 15 ff.). The intervention of the Sabine women with their children to end the internecine war is a touching episode as narrated by Ovid;2 in ET it is only a shrewd trick, since it was Romulus’ idea in the first place (57, 14 ff.). A definite liking for the morbid and scandalous is apparent in the description of Mezentius’ tortures (45, 6 ff.), in Achilles’ post-mortem love for Penthesilea (11, 20-22), and in Paris’ conversation with Helen, in which she shamelessly tells him of her passion and asks his name afterward (8, 8 ff.).

If there is a literary virtue in ET it is in the dramatic impulse which pervades the composition. The characters are constantly brought into direct conversation, the realistic aspect of which is striking. Rather than merely relate (as in Aen., 1, 664 ff.) that Cupid comes to the feast in the likeness of Ascanius, ET tells that the squire Achates approaches Cupid
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in the ship, and, mistaking him for Ascanius, addresses him thus: ‘Pater tuus mandavit ut munera tecum portes et per te regine offeras’ (33, 4-5). In Virgil Aeneas says that he called for his lost Creusa again and again: ‘iterumque iterumque vocavi’ (ii, 770); in the prose story his very words are given: ‘Creusa, Creusa, ubi es?’ (21, 10). Similar colloquial vim is shown when Venolus approaches Diomede in order to ask his support in battle. ‘Contra quos pugnatis?’ asks Diomede, shrewdly. ‘Contra Eneam Troianum,’ replies Venolus; and Diomede’s refusal is instantaneous and decisive: ‘Non do auxilium, quia bellum inimicum fortissima cum gente deorum geritis’ (49, 7-9). Thus throughout is the story dramatized and colloquialized. Although essentially a pedagogical account, its aim is above all to tell a lively and realistic story; and in this modest capacity it is certainly not devoid of merit.


 [1]  In the Mythologiae and the Virgiliana every detail carries a lesson. The Servian commentaries are not free from this tendency, as is seen in this comment on the Cyclops’ eye: ‘Multi Polyphemum dicunt unum habuisse oculum, alii duos, alii tres: sed totum fabulosum est. nam hic vir prudentissimus fuit, et ob hoc oculum in capite habuisse dicitur, id est iuxta cerebrum, quia prudentia plus videbat. verum Ulixes eum prudentia superavit . . .’ (Servius, Aen., iii, 636).

 [2]  Fasti, iii, 206-224.

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VIII. Manuscripts and Text

The following text of the Excidium Troiae is based upon photostatic copies of three manuscripts:

  • L  Florence, Bibl. Laurenziana, LXVI, 40, fols. 20v-40v, 49-52v, 55-61r.
  • Ra  Oxford, Bodleian Library, Rawlinson D 893, fols. 80v-88v.
  • Ri  Florence, Bibl. Riccardiana 881, fols. 54-72v.

Of these, L, which is much the oldest, has attracted considerable attention.1 It is described briefly in Meister’s edition of Dares2 and at some length in Mommsen’s edition of the Exordia Scythica;3 Ludwig Traube gives an elaborate outline of its contents;4 and E. A. Lowe alludes to it frequently in his book on the Beneventan hand.5 But the best account, by all odds, is that in Lowe’s Scriptura Beneventana, parts of which follow:

Florence, Biblioteca Laurenziana, MS. LXVI. 40.

‘Exordia Scythica’.

Dares Phrygius De Exitu Troianorum.

Anonymous De Excidio Troiae, et Comment. In Aeneid. Lib. ii.

Tituli et Versus Cellani Abbatis.

Historia Apollonii Regis Tyri.

. . . Gatherings vary in size; hair-side on the outside of quires; no old quire-marks visible, but 15th-century letters have been placed on the lower left-hand corner of the first page of each quire. Parchment of rough quality. The original pale-brownish ink has been retraced here and there. A leaf is missing at the beginning of the first quire; the last quire is also defective, and leaves are wanting elsewhere in the MS. The third quire, marked C, now follows G; and D follows B . . .

Unusual literary interest attaches to our manuscript by reason of the texts it contains. The ‘Historia Apollonii Regis Tyri’ became one of the favourite novels of the Middle Ages, and such was the delight taken in it that translations were made in various vernacular tongues, the earliest, in Old English, going back to the 11th century. Our MS. furnishes the oldest copy of this story in Latin. It also preserves what appears to be the unique text of the ‘Exordia Scythica’ and of the verses of Cellanus, the Irish abbot of Péronne. It was Traube who first called attention to the palaeographical and historical significance of these verses. Their presence in a MS. of miscellaneous contents suggests that the compilation was made in an Insular centre, and probably at Péronne itself. Then, certain errors which occur in this poem: scrux for sed crux, prae for per,
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and in the Juvenal verse (xiii. 171) on f. 62: quatiares for quatiare sed and genubus for gentibus, can only go back to an exemplar in Insular script. Furthermore, the subscription found on f. 20: ‘EXPΛICIT IωHANNES SUBDIAC. SCRIPSIT’ with its Greek letters (Λ, ω) and its rectangular capitals (S, C) recalls Insular models and the Insular habit of parading irrelevant Greek learning, thus confirming the supposition that our MS. is a direct copy of an Insular original.

Nothing is known as to its precise home, but there is something to be said for the surmise that it was Monte Cassino . . . The date depends upon palaeographical criteria only. Judged by these, our MS. is most suitably assigned to the end of the 9th century.

. . . A contemporary corrector made a long addition at the foot of f. 34v and the top of f. 35, and shorter additions elsewhere in the MS.6

The misplaced quire C, it should be noted, falls in the middle of the De Excidio Troiae, and there are considerable gaps in the text where leaves have been lost.

Ra is, unfortunately, not so well known. The description of it in the Rawlinson catalogue runs, in part, as follows:

Membranaceus. In folio, 4to et 8vo saecc. x-xvii. ff. 169.

A collection of fragments of MSS., many of them being leaves formerly used as fly-leaves by book-binders. The larger part were collected by P. Le Neve [1661-1729], but some were collected by Thomas Rawlinson, and two or three have been added from books now in the library.7

The whole volume consists of eighty-two fragments, of which the thirty-eighth contains the Excidium Troiae. It is described as ‘eleven leaves, containing the following articles, by two late thirteenth century hands.’8 ET (Item 38, iii) is preceded by a fragment ‘Quid intersit inter philosophiam et sapientiam’ (Item 38, ii) and is followed by ‘Eight leaves containing seven sermons’ (Item 39).

Professor S. Harrison Thomson, who very kindly inspected a folio of the manuscript, remarks that it ‘has certain aspects that make it look French’; but, on the basis of certain characteristics of the hand, he inclines to the opinion that it is Italian. He concludes: ‘Whether southern French or north Italian (tho’ I lean strongly to the latter), I am very confident it is mid-xivth [century].’9

The first quarter of the Ra Excidium Troiae has already been published by Mr Atwood.10

Ri has been described by Parodi, who has examined it, as follows:

Codice Riccardiano, segnato 881, probabilmente del sec. xiv; membranaceo, di
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cm. 250 d’altezza per 185 di larghezza [obviously mm. 250 and 185], con rubriche rosse ed iniziali rosse e turchine, talvolta figurate, e con miniature illustrative del testo, al quale o son collocate di fianco nel margine o intercalate.11

According to Gorra, Ri is ‘di fogli 467 e contiene scritture di vario argomento’ and ET follows a text of Dares.12 Both Parodi and Gorra discuss ET at some length, but Gorra misinterprets its contents rather badly. Professor Thomson, who has also inspected a specimen of Ri, argues that the manuscript is probably of Spanish origin because of peculiarities of the script and the general character of the miniatures, and he dates it about 1275: ‘It cannot be xiv, nor before 1250.’13

A word more should be said about the miniature illustrations in which Ri abounds, most of them marginal but a few extending across the page. In fols. 54-63 each page has either one elaborate drawing across its entre width or from two to four marginal miniatures, the average being better than three; fols. 64-66 contain one miniature apiece; fols. 67-72 have none. Titles for such drawings continue, however, throughout ET. These titles uniformly come at the end of paragraphs, most of them being written in the space left by an incomplete line of text; but some are distributed confusingly over parts of several lines in such a way as to suggest that the scribe was copying them along with his text. The following is a typical arrangement (in Ri the right-hand margin is, of course, perfectly straight; the title is here indicated by italics):

corpus Hectoris filii sui accepit et sepelivit. Priamus Polixenam filiam suam Achilli

Polixena vero cum Achilli coniuncta fuisset et eam nimie diligeret a Pria dedit mo rege . . .

(Ri 57v; ET p. 12, 11-13)

It seems obvious, therefore, that the miniatures are themselves part of the textual tradition behind Ri. The scribe apparently copied in the titles, leaving, if necessary, the proper blank space; and someone later supplied many, but not all, of the drawings. It is perhaps significant that some of the titles parallel those which had crept into the exemplar from which all three of our manuscripts are derived.

The three manuscripts described above cannot be closely related, for their differences are numerous and important; but they do descend from a common source which apparently had the following characteristics. As a text, it already had a considerable history behind it. A few of the more difficult words had been glossed, ‘laeva,’ for example, being defined as ‘contraria’ (p. 16, 16); and the glosses had become an integral part of
 [[ Print Edition Page No. lxxx ]] 
the text. It presented an extremely corrupt version of what purported to be quotations from Virgil, several of which were carried mechanically to the end of a verse whether there was any break in the sentence structure at that point or not (e.g., p. 34, 23, p. 50, 27; cf. above p. lx). In reading these, one is reminded of a modern schoolboy who, quite uncomprehendingly, sings off poetry purely for the rhythm of the lines; and one suspects that the tag ends of lines help explain the bad state of the rest of the quotations. The exemplar must also have been unintelligible in a few places because of slight omissions (cf. p. 3, 24; p. 53, 18); and it perhaps contained marginal miniatures the titles of which crept into the texts derived from it, or, more probably, it had already confused the titles with the text. In literary style, the source was apparently a strange mixture of illiteracy and pedantry. Both Ra and Ri show evidence of varying amounts of scribal correction, and the Latin of L can only be described as barbarous. On the other hand, perhaps because of the late Greek sources from which the text may, in part, have derived, or perhaps because of the Irish influence noted in L (cf. Lowe, above), the exemplar employed a good many words of Greek origin and paraded a knowledge of Greek inflectional forms, different examples of which appear in L and Ra, although not in Ri.14

Given these assumptions, it is easier to understand the state of the three texts that we have. L, as has been noted, is seriously incomplete, for it omits over one third of ET, apparently because leaves have fallen out. Furthermore, it reflects clearly the low estate to which knowledge of Latin had fallen in the period during which it was written. It constantly confuses the accusative and ablative after prepositions; it mixes singulars and plurals, nominatives and accusatives; and its spelling is completely eccentric and inconsistent. It is not uniformly bad, however, for occasionally it preserves the correct form of a proper name where Ra and Ri err (e.g., ‘Menelaus’ L, ‘Melaus’ Ra, ‘Menlaus’ Ri, p. 9, 24) or is closer to it than they (‘Numa Populius’ L, ‘Neuma Polimius’ Ra, ‘Numina Pamfilius’ Ri, for Numa Pompilius, p. 57, 22); and sometimes it preserves what seems to be the correct reading (cf. the quotation of Aen. ii, 389-391, on p. 19, 4-6; or, for a more doubtful example, ‘triumphus de agnito filio vel a matre,’ p. 6, 21). It also preserves numerous Greek forms, especially the accusative Enean, which it writes almost consistently. But L is of value in arriving at a text of ET only for occasional details and, for reasons which will appear below, as a check upon Ra; it would be impossible to derive from it an intelligible text.

Ra, on the other hand, is much the best of the three manuscripts. In
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general, it shows the same text as L, but it is free from many of the gross errors of the earlier manuscript. It seems to have been derived from the exemplar by literal-minded, fairly careful copyists. It meticulously preserves several Greek forms, although not so many as L (e.g. with L it reads ‘manian,’ p. 18, 9, and ‘Andromache,’ p. 32, 11, where Ri reads ‘mania’ with a nasal mark and ‘Andromacha’); and in one place it perhaps failed to eliminate the false learning of the exemplar, for it reads a spurious Greek ‘famen’ (p. 23, 3) where both L and Ri have ‘famem.’ Its quotations from Virgil are more nearly correct than those in L, and they are also superior to those in Ri which have not been expanded by reference to a text of the Aeneid (cf. the quotation of Aen. iv, 173-177, on p. 35, 10-12); it is especially interesting to note that it is much closer than Ri (the passages do not appear in L) to the original in the tags of lines discussed above, which, since they never did make sense, were peculiarly liable to corruption. It is also the most accurate of the three in the spelling of proper names, although certainly bad enough. As one might expect, it makes no additions to the text; there is, however, some indication of correction by the scribe (cf. ‘strupro’ Ra, ‘stupro’ Ra1, ‘strupro’ Ri, p. 56, 14), but the evidence is very slight.

Ri shows the work of a very different kind of scribe (or scribes). As compared with the humble copyist of Ra, he15 certainly had a very high opinion of his own learning, perhaps rightly; but he was unquestionably very careless. He was, in fact, a perfect example of the rule that no scribe was so dangerous as one with a little learning. He obviously altered numerous passages to rectify or conceal a mistake in transcribing that he had made earlier in the sentence. Perhaps the best example is his attempt to conceal his error in writing ‘aras’ for ‘aram’ (p. 22, 4-5). He then wrote ‘[aras] que dum fabricata fuissent’ and ‘aras coronarentur’ where L and Ra have ‘[aram] que dum fabricata fuisset’ and ‘ara coronaretur,’ giving himself away in both places by failing to alter accurately or fully. He also attempted continually to correct the Latin, eliminating ‘dangling’ participles, rectifying such Vulgar Latin forms as ‘vellens’ (volens), and apparently substituting words or forms which seemed to him stylistically preferable. In fact, he shows certain marked traits of style: a knowledge of the ablative absolute (cf. pp. 20-21 especially);16 a preference for superlatives; and a disposition to substitute single verbs for phrasal constructions (cf. ‘hostes intrasse’ for ‘intratam fuisse,’ p. 19, 17; ‘obviavit’ for ‘obviam fuit,’ p. 20, 12). These peculiarities all resulted in tampering with the text. In the last part of ET, moreover, whole sentences have been drastically rewritten, although no reason is
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apparent. But in one respect Ri is superior to Ra as a text to read: it has apparently been corrected by reference to a copy of the Aeneid. Thus the description of Hector’s ghostly visit to Aeneas, hopelessly garbled in L and Ra, is quoted accurately and at greater length; and the longer quotations from Virgil are written as verse. In addition, a considerable paraphrase of a passage from the Aeneid is introduced at one point (see p. 41, 1). That these passages are the result of revision at some point in the history of the text and not of a better transmission of the original version is strongly indicated by the fact that the shorter quotations are, as we have noted, more corrupt than those in Ra; furthermore, Ri fails to correct the most obvious errors in the quotations which it does not rewrite at length as verse.

The general relationship of the three manuscripts must have appeared in the preceding discussion. Despite a few additions to the original text of L (cf. pp. 9, 21; 57, 9) and two considerable additions to L by another hand (pp. 15, 21; 25, 18), L and Ra present substantially the same text. Ri, on the other hand, patches the text and begins a Liber Eneydum when Aeneas and his followers leave Troy; it adds the long paraphrase of the Aeneid noted above, making minor alterations in the context to support the inserted material; it omits an essential part of the Turnus story where there is no gap in the text such as would have resulted from the loss of leaves from a manuscript (from p. 52, 10 to p. 54, 16; see the note to p. 52, 10); and it presents, particularly in the last half of ET, a radically different version of entire sentences. We must conclude, therefore, that Ri not merely corrects and alters, but represents a separate textual tradition—that L and Ra belong to one ‘family’ and Ri to another. The situation, however, is not quite so simply disposed of, for L and Ri show common variations from Ra that must be accounted for. Some of these, like the easy change of ‘abducite’ to ‘adducite’ (p. 23, 12) or of ‘tempestatis’ to ‘tempestates’ (p. 30, 6) may well be mere coincidence. But no such facile assumption will explain a considerable passage which L and Ri add, with minor variations, to the account of the death of Priam: ‘Hic finis Priami regis, deinde Polixena filia [Polixenam filiam Ri] Priami regis quam pater eius Achilles uxorem duxerat’ (p. 19, 23). The added words are so ungrammatical and so malapropos that they cannot be a part of the original text. Perhaps the simplest explanation is that they had crept into the exemplar, and that the scribe of Ra recognized them as an intrusion and omitted them. It should be noted that ‘Hic finis Priami’ occurs below, where it is obviously a miniature title that has intruded into the text. It is not impossible that a similar title crept in
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earlier and was expanded into the passage under discussion. There is, however, no other evidence in the manuscripts to support such a conjecture.

In the attempt to arrive at a text of ET, several guiding principles have been followed. The primary objective has been to arrive at the post-Classical text which must lie back of the three manuscripts used. This archetype obviously showed many of the characteristics of Vulgar Latin; no attempt, therefore, has been made to make the text adopted conform to Classical standards. In fact, ‘bad’ Latin has sometimes been written when the weight of evidence favored it, even though one manuscript read a ‘correct’ idiom. This principle has also applied to the numerous quotations from Virgil. A consistent attempt has been made to reproduce the version, often garbled and misquoted, which must have appeared in the archetype rather than to write the accepted text of the Aeneid, although perhaps occasionally the temptation to emend has been too strong to resist where no sense whatever could be made out of the manuscripts. Similarly, the additions in L and the passages in Ri obviously rewritten by reference to a text of the Aeneid have been relegated to the variant readings; and the quotations from Virgil have uniformly been written as prose, as they are written in Ra, since few of them could possibly be scanned as verse. Finally, an effort has been made to keep corrections or emendations to a minimum and to follow the manuscripts, or one of them, whenever it was at all possible to do so, even though an emendation was very tempting.

In the formation of a text, the previously outlined theory of the relationship of the manuscripts has been followed as consistently as possible. When L and Ra have one reading and Ri another, the case has been judged on its merits, with the understanding that Ra is more conservative and that Ri tends to ‘correct.’ Where L and Ri agree against Ra, or Ra and Ri against L, that agreement has normally been accepted as establishing the text. There has been no attempt at rigid consistency in spelling, because that, too, would be false to the manuscripts; but normally the spelling of Ra has been followed. Capital letters and punctuation have, of course, been added, and u and v are differentiated according to modern usage.

It has been thought advisable to make the textual apparatus as complete as possible. Its arrangement adheres as closely as possible to the following principles:

1. All variant spellings of all proper names have been given at least once; the
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comment (et alibi) means that the form listed occurs elsewhere in the MS indicated but is not repeated in the textual notes.

2. All variations amounting to a different word or a different grammatical form (e.g., a different case or tense) have been listed.

3. Minor variations in spelling have, in general, been omitted. These take the form, primarily, of substitutions of p for b, v for b, and g for c such as are common in mediaeval texts; since in every case the original spelling has been adhered to in the lists of varia, there are enough examples to serve the needs of anyone interested in linguistics. Similarly, no mention has been made of doubling of single consonants or omission of one of double consonants, or of variations between i and e or is and es in nouns of the third declension. L, especially, tends to write i in such forms and frequently substitutes i for e in other unaccented positions.

4. Greek inflectional forms have generally been indicated, except that only the first few occurrences of Enean in L have been noted.

5. The titles of miniatures in Ri have consistently been omitted as extraneous to the text.

The usual textual symbols are used, and, in addition, curves have been employed in the text or notes to indicate a guess at letters made illegible by blots (especially in the last few pages of Ra) or cut off at the edge in binding. Pointed brackets have therefore been reserved for conjectural additions without any basis in the text. Where a lemma has been given, the complete equivalent of the passage indicated in the lemma has been quoted from each manuscript cited.


 [1]  The standard catalogue listing is in A. M. Bandini, Catalogus Codicum Latinorum Bibliothecae Mediceae Laurentianae (4 vols., Florence, 1774-77), II, 812-814.

 [2]  Ferdinand Meister, Daretis Phrygii de Excidio Troiae Historia (Leipzig, 1873), p. iii: ‘F. Florentinus Laur. LXVI. 40 f. 6b Saec. x . . . scriptus est a Johanne Subdiacono.’

 [3]  He writes, in part: ‘Scriptus, fortasse Casini, saec. ix vel x . . . in ipso principio.’ Theodore Mommsen, Mon. Germ. Hist., Auct. Antiq., xi (Berlin, 1894), 308.

 [4]  After his analysis of the contents, Traube continues: ‘Alles dies ist von ein und derselben beneventanischen Hand in neunten Jahrhundert niedergeschrieben worden, und zwar so fortlaufend, dass wir denken können, es habe dem Schreiber schon ein Sammelband sehr gemischten Inhalts als Vorlage gedient. Es bleibt auch deswegen ungewiss, ob der Subdiakon Iohannes, der auf fol. 20 als Schreiber genannt wird, der Schreiber unseres Bandes oder eines Bestandtheiles der eben vorausgesetzten Vorlage war.’ Ludwig Traube, ‘Peronna Scottorum,’ Sitzungsberichte der philosophisch-philologischen und der historischen Classe der königlichen bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu München, Jahrgang 1900, p. 485.

 [5]  E. A. Loew, The Beneventan Script (Oxford, 1914). See especially p. 328.

 [[ Print Edition Page No. lxxxv ]] 

 [6]  E. A. Lowe, Scriptura Beneventana (Oxford, 1929), Plate xxv. Lowe also includes a considerable bibliography of references to the MS.

 [7]  Catalogi Codicum Manuscriptorum Bibliothecae Bodleianae Partis Quintae Fasciculus Quartus (Oxford, 1898), col. 75.

 [8]  Ibid., col. 80.

 [9]  From an unpublished letter from Prof. S. Harrison Thomson to E. B. Atwood, Sept. 2, 1938.

 [10]  See Speculum, ix (October, 1934), 397 ff. For comments on this text by Prof. W. A. Oldfather see also Speculum, xi (April, 1936), 272 ff.

 [11]  E. G. Parodi, ‘I Rifacimenti e le Traduzioni Italiane dell’Eneide di Virgilio,’ Studi di Filologia Romanza, ii (1887), 182.

 [12]  E. Gorra, Testi Inediti di Storia Trojana, p. 241.

 [13]  From the letter cited above. If the belief expressed below, that the miniatures may be copied, is sound, Prof. Thomson’s argument might be somewhat weakened.

 [14]  It is very possible, of course, that Ri represents a purely continental tradition which never came under Insular influence; the Greek vocabulary present in Ri as well as the other two would then result from a late Greek source for part of the material or a late Latin source under Greek influence.

 [15]  The use of he is, of course, merely a convenience in writing. The changes noted may have occurred at any point in the separate textual tradition back of Ri.

 [16]  Cf., however, p. 17, 21, where the ablative absolute is certainly the better reading and has been adopted.

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 [[ Print Edition Page No. lxxxvii ]] 


Purely for convenience, the works listed below are grouped as Classical Versions, which are discussed chiefly in the Critical Notes, and Mediaeval Versions, which are discussed in Sections II-VI of the Introduction. A few mediaeval accounts, of which only passing mention is made, are not here included.


  • Apollodorus of Athens, The Library and Epitome, ed. J. G. Frazer. 2 vols., London, 1921. Loeb Classical Library.
  • Apollonius Rhodius, Argonautica, ed. R. C. Seaton. London, 1922. Loeb Library.
  • Appian, Roman History, ed. Horace White. 4 vols., London, 1912-13. Loeb Library. Book I is made up largely of fragments from Photius and others.
  • Catullus, in Catullus, Tibullus, and Pervigilium Veneris, ed. F. W. Cornish. London, 1918. Loeb Library.
  • Colluthus, The Rape of Helen, in Oppian, Colluthus, Tryphiodorus, ed. A. W. Mair. London, 1928. Loeb Library.
  • Dares Phrygius, De Excidio Troiae Historia, ed. F. Meister. Leipzig: Teubner, 1873.
  • Dictys Cretensis, Ephemeridos Belli Troiani, ed. F. Meister. Leipzig: Teubner, 1872.
  • Dio Cassius, Roman History, ed. Earnest Cary. 9 vols., London, 1914-27. Loeb Library. Book I is made up largely of extracts from Tzetzes’ Scholia on Lycophron’s Alexander and from Zonaras’ Epitome.
  • Dionysius of Halicarnassus, The Roman Antiquities, ed. Earnest Cary. 7 vols., London, 1937—. Loeb Library.
  • Euripides, ed. Arthur S. Way. 4 vols., London, 1925-28. Loeb Library.
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  • Festus, Sextus Pompeius, De Verborum Significatu quae supersunt cum Pauli Epitome, ed. Wallace M. Lindsay. Leipzig: Teubner, 1933.
  • Fulgentius, Fabius, Opera, ed. R. Helm. Leipzig: Teubner, 1898.
  • Homer, Iliad, ed. A. T. Murray. 2 vols., London, 1924-5. Loeb Library.
  • Hyginus, Fabulae, ed. M. Schmidt. Jena, 1872.
  • Justinus, M. Junianus, Epitoma Historiarum Philippicarum Pomper Trogi, ed. Otto Seel. Leipzig: Teubner, 1935.
  • Livius, Titus, ed. B. O. Foster and Evan T. Sage. 13 vols., London, 1919—. Loeb Library.
  • Lucianus, Opera, ed. G. Dindorf. Paris, 1867.
  • Mythographi Vaticani, in vol. III of Classici Auctores, ed. Angelo Mai. 10 vols., Rome, 1831.
  • Ovid, Fasti, ed. J. G. Frazer. London, 1931. Loeb Library.
  • Ovid, Heroides and Amores, ed. G. Showerman. London, 1914. Loeb Library.
  • Ovid, Metamorphoses, ed. Hugo Magnus. Berlin: Weidmann, 1914.
  • Plutarch, Romulus. Lives, ed. Bernadotte Perrin. 11 vols., London, 1914-26. Loeb Library.
  • Proclus, Chrestomatheia, in Hesiod, the Homeric Hymns, and Homerica, ed. H. G. Evelyn-White. London, 1920. Loeb Library.
  • Quintus Smyrnaeus, The Fall of Troy, ed. A. S. Way. London, 1913. Loeb Library.
  • Servius, Commentarii, ed. G. Thilo and H. Hagen. 3 vols., Leipzig, 1878-87.
  • Statius, Achilleid, in Statius, ed. J. H. Mozley. 2 vols., London, 1928. Loeb Library.
  • Tertullian, Apologeticus and De Spectaculis, ed. T. R. Glover. London, 1931. Loeb Library.
  • Tryphiodorus, The Taking of Ilium, in Oppian, Colluthus, Tryphiodorus, ed. A. W. Mair. London, 1928. Loeb Library.
     [[ Print Edition Page No. lxxxix ]] 
  • Tzetzes, J., Antehomerica, Homerica, Posthomerica, in Hesiodi Carmina, ed. F. S. Lehrs. Paris, 1878.
  • Tzetzes, Scholia on Lycophron. See Dio Cassius.
  • Vegius, Maphaeus, The Thirteenth Book of the Aeneid, ed. Anna C. Brinton. Stanford University, 1930.
  • Virgil, Aeneid, ed. F. A. Hirtzel. Oxford: Clarendon, 1900.
  • Zonaras. See Dio Cassius.


  • Alfonso X, el Sabio, General Estoria, MS Escorial Y, I, 1. Excerpts from the Troy story are also given in A. G. Solalinde, ‘El Juicio de Paris en el “Alexandre” y en la “General Estoria,” ’ Revista de Filología Española, XV (1928), 1-51.
  • Armannino Giudice, La Fiorità, in Testi inediti di Storia Trojana, ed. E. Gorra. Torino, 1887.
  • Benoit de Sainte-Maure, Le Roman de Troie, ed. L. Constans. 6 vols., Paris, 1904-12. Société des anciens textes français.
  • Caxton, William, Eneydos, ed. W. T. Culley and F. J. Furnivall. London, 1890. E. E. T. S., Extra Series, no. 57.
  • Chaucer, Geoffrey, The Legend of Dido. Works, ed. W. W. Skeat. 7 vols., Oxford, 1894-1900.
  • Compendium Historiae Troianae-Romanae, ed. H. Simonsfeld. Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde, XI (1886), 241-251.
  • Eneas, ed. J.-J. Salverda de Grave. Paris, 1925 and 1929. Les Classiques français du Moyen Age, nos. 44 and 62.
  • Enikel, Jansen, Weltchronik, ed. P. Strauch, Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores qui Vernacula Lingua usi sunt, vol. III, part I. Hannover and Leipzig, 1900.
  • Floire et Blancheflor, ed. M. Pelan. Paris, 1937.
  • Der Göttweiger Trojanerkrieg, ed. A. Koppitz. Berlin, 1926.
  • Gower, John, Confessio Amantis, in The English Works of John Gower, ed. G. C. Macaulay. 2 vols., London, 1900-1901. E. E. T. S., Extra Series, nos. 81-82.
     [[ Print Edition Page No. xc ]] 
  • Guido de Columnis, Historia Destructionis Troiae, ed. N. E. Griffin. Cambridge, Mass., 1936. Mediaeval Academy of America.
  • Herbort von Fritslâr, Liet von Troye, ed. G. K. Fromman. Quedlinburg and Leipzig, 1837. Bibliothek der gesammten deutschen National-Litteratur, V.
  • The Irish Aeneid, ed. George Calder. London, 1907. Irish Texts Society.
  • Istorietta Trojana, in Testi inediti di Storia Trojana, ed. E. Gorra. Torino, 1887.
  • Konrad von Würzburg, Der Trojanische Krieg, ed. A. von Keller. Stuttgart, 1858. Bibliothek des Litterarischen Vereins, XLIV.
  • Landolfus Sagax, Additamenta ad Pauli Historiam Romanam, ed. H. Droysen. Mon. Germ. Hist., Auct. Antiq., II, 225-376. Berlin, 1879.
  • Leomarte, Sumas de Historia Troyana, ed. A. Rey. Revista de Filología Española, Anejo XV. Madrid, 1932.
  • El Libro de Alexandre, ed. R. S. Willis, Jr. Princeton and Paris, 1934. Elliott Monographs, no. 32.
  • Maerlant, Jacob, Episodes uit Maerlant’s Historie van Troyen, ed. J. Verdam. Groningen, 1873.
  • Mannyng, Robert, The Story of England, ed. F. J. Furnivall. 2 vols., London, 1887.
  • Martinus Oppaviensis (Martinus Polonus), Chronicon Pontificum et Imperatorum, ed. L. Weiland. Mon. Germ. Hist., Scriptores, XXII, 377-475. Hannover, 1872.
  • Origo Gentis Romanae, ed. Hermann Peter. Berichte der Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig, Phil.-Hist. Klasse, LXIV (1912), 71-165.
  • Repgauische Chronik, fragments pertaining to Troy ed. A. Bernoulli. Germania, XXVIII (1883), 30-38.
  • The Seege or Batayle of Troye, ed. M. E. Barnicle. London, 1927. E. E. T. S., Original Series, no. 172.
  • Togail Troi, ed. W. Stokes and E. Windisch. Leipzig, 1884. Irische Texte, 2nd ser., vol. I.
     [[ Print Edition Page No. xci ]] 
  • Trojanska Priča, ed., with Latin translation, in Starine, III (1871), 156-187. Jugoslavenska Akademija Znanosti i Umjetnosti.
  • Trójumanna Saga, ed. J. Sigurdsson. Annaler for Nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historie, IV (1848), 4-100. Kongelige Nordiske Oldskrift-Selskab.
  • Ulrich von Eschenbach, Alexander, ed. W. Toischer. Tübingen, 1888. Bibliothek des Litterarischen Vereins, CLXXXIII.

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INCIPIT EXCIDIUM TROIAE. Thetis dicta est mater Achillis,
que de numero quinquaginta Nereidarum electa est. Et dicere habes:
que fuerunt Nereide, aut quare hoc vocabulum acceperunt? Respon-
dendum est: a Nereo patre et Ida matre. Coniuncto vocabulo patris [[4]]
et matris Nereide appellate sunt. Qui Nereus et Ida in insulam quandam 5
habitationem habuerunt et ibi quinquaginta filias procreaverunt.
Merito hoc fabula iactitat Nereidas in mari esse eo quod in insula pro-
create sunt. De quarum numero, ut dictum est, Thetis electa est, quam
Iupiter amaverat, et dum sibi eam coniungere vellet consuluit. Et re-
sponsum est ei quod si sibi eam iungeret, si quis de eis nasceretur, Iovem10
de regno pelleret. Hoc metuens, Iupiter memoratam Thetidem Peleo
cuidam iuveni in matrimonium dedit et ei nuptias celebravit.

Merito cena deorum appellata est; in qua cena fuerunt Iupiter, Neptunus,
Apollo musarum deus, et Mercurius; necnon et tres dee, id est
Iuno, Minerva, et Venus. Discordia vero, dea litis, ad ipsas nuptias15
vocata non est. Hec, dolore ducta, malum aureum subornavit, in quo
scripsit: ‘Pulchriori dee donum.’ Et dum malum tres dee superius me-
morate volventem viderent, omnes simul tenuerunt, et de tollendo malo
contentio inter eas facta est. Et dum titulum scriptum in eodem malo
intenderent, ubi scriptum fuit ‘Pulchriori dee donum,’ de pulchritudine20
sua contendere ceperunt. Et Iovem petierunt ut inter eas iudicaret que
earum pulchrior esset. Iupiter ergo, positus in ambiguo, nolens aliquam
earum ledere, eis respondit: ‘Ego inter vos iudex esse non possum; sed
dabo vobis iudicem qui inter vos iudicet.’ . . . Quibus sic respondit:
‘Ite ad Ideum montem qui super Troia est, et ibi habebitis Paridem25
pastorem; solus inter vos poterit iudicare, quia iudex iustus est.’

Et dicere habes: qui fuit Paris, aut quare iudex iustus appellatus est?
Respondendum est: iste Paris filius fuit Priami regis Troianorum, de

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 4 ]] 
Hecuba regina natus; quem dum regina adhuc pregnans in utero haberet
per somnium vidit se peperisse flammam, que totam Troiam circuit et
eam incendit. Que dum templa consuleret, quidnam talis visio esset,
responsum est ei quia si quis de ea nasceretur, per ipsum Troia periret—
quod5 et contigit. Hoc metuens, dum eum peperisset, pro augurio, ut
per ipsum omne augurium a Troia tolleretur, ancillis precepit ut eum
extra urbem in montem proicerent—quod et factum est. Et dum ab
ancillis proiectus fuisset, a quodam pastore qui in eodem monte fuit
collectus est, et ab eo nutritus est. Qui dum adolesceret, cepit eum
10 nutritor eius in vestibus magnis, tum in habitu pastorali induere. Et
iam inter alios pastores cepit opinatissimus esse. Cui Paridi in armento
suo taurus mire magnitudinis natus est. Qui taurus cum tauris aliorum
pastorum dimicabat et singulos vincebat. Quem dum Paris semper vic-
torem videret, ei coronam auream inter cornua imponebat. Hoc videns,
15 Mars se in similitudinem tauri aptavit et cum tauro Paridis se ad dimi-
candum ostendit. Qui dum Mars in similitudinem tauri cum tauro
Paridis dimicaret, Mars victor extitit. Tunc Paris videns Martem in
similitudinem tauri taurum suum superasse, coronam quam tauro suo
imponebat Marti imposuit. Et propter quod iustitiam secutus est et
20 sibi non cohibuit, iudex iustus appellatus est. Hec opinio de eodem
peragravit. Merito etiam Iupiter inter tres deas ipsum iudicem quesivit.
Quid multa?

Ad Paridem Iuno, Minerva, et Venus venerunt; et dum ei malum
aureum offerrent, dixerunt: ‘Lege titulum, et quod tituli scriptura conti-
net25 inter nos iudica.’ Ille vero accepto malo eas distulit et iudicium
comperendinavit. Quia dum iudicium dilatum fuisset, uti habet vulgus:
‘Quid das ut vincas?’ secretim utreque ut nemo de se sentiret ad Paridem
ingrediuntur. Quid multa? Primum Minerva ingressa est et Paridi
dixit: ‘Ego consanctio arma tua ut quotienscumque cum aliquo dimi-
care30 volueris te victorem faciam et me iudica pulchriorem.’ Cui ille ita
promisit et discessit, promissum ei retinens. Accedens deinde Iuno ad
eundem Paridem ingressa est. Et ipsa iam ei promisit duplicari fetus

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 5 ]] 
armentorum suorum ut geminos parerent, et iudicaret eam pulchriorem.
Etiam ipsi promisit, quia Iuno dea connubii et fetus appellatur, sicut
Minerva dea armorum et pugne appellatur, et discessit. Postea vero
Venus amicta pallio blatteo [nuda] tenens ante se duobus digitis pallium
ad eum ingressa est, et dum ante eum staret, dimisso pallio nuda ei5
apparuit. Que Paridi sic dixit: ‘Ego tibi dabo pulchriorem uxorem et
me iudica pulchriorem.’ Ille vero videns speciem dee vel virginis, ut
habet etas iuvenilis, furore amoris incensus ei dixit: ‘Te iudico inter
omnes pulchriorem,’ et discessit. Ergo venit dies statuta ut ad iudicium
eius venirent, et malum aureum Veneri tradidit. Ille vero, videntes se10
despectas vel abiudicatas, exierunt cum magno dolore. [Manet alta [[11-13]]
mente repositum iudicium Paridis spreteque iniuria forme et genus invi-
sum et rapti Ganimedis honores.] Quod iudicium fecit ut adversus
Troiam iracundia dearum suscitaretur, ut adimpleretur quod per somni-
um regina viderat, quia per Paridem Troia periret. Ille vero, id est Iuno15
et Minerva, dum de iudicio Paridis abiudicate discesserunt, ceperunt
cogitare qualiter Troia periret. Venus vero, pro qua iudicium fuerat,
etiam ipsa ut Paridi promissum impleret, cepit de coniugio eius cogitare.

Et dum hec geruntur, subito in animo Paridis amor spectaculorum que
apud Troiam gerebantur, quod nunquam noverat, introivit. Et cepit20
pastori nutritori suo imminere ut ad Troiam ubi pater eius regnabat pro
videndis spectaculis descenderet. Nutritor vero, metuens ne eum perde-
ret, cepit eum ab intentione revocare. Cui sic dicebat: ‘Habes spectacu-
lum armentorum tuorum. Quid desideras quod nunquam nosti videre?’
Ille vero magis magisque imminebat ut ad Troiam descenderet. Quem25
dum nutritor suus ab intentione non valuisset revocare, cum eodem ad
Troiam ad spectaculum in circum descendit. Qui dum aurige cucuris-
sent, complentes sextum emissum, campestriarii, ut consuetudo habet,

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 6 ]] 
ante casam regis ad dimicandum descenderunt. Quos dum Paris dimi-
cantes videret, presumens de iuventute sua se ad dimicandum cum eis
cepit petere. Quem dum nutritor suus videret, metuens ne eum perde-
ret, cepit eum velle revocare. Ille vero non obediens nutritori suo, sed
5 presumens de iuventute sua, se in arenam iactavit et cum campestriariis
non arte sed virtute dimicavit et coronam accepit. Discedentibus vero
campestriariis iuvenculi cursores qui de meta in metam currebant exierunt.
In quibus cucurrit etiam et ipsos vicit et coronam accepit. Deinde filii
regis fratres eius furore ducti ad arenam descenderunt et eum ad cursum
10 provocaverunt, etiam et ipsos vicit et tertio coronatus est. Hoc videntes,
filii regis qui ab eo victi sunt, dolore coacti quia eos inter tantum agonem
populi confunderet, ceperunt de nece eius cogitare ut eum interficerent;
et iusserunt vomitoria circi a militibus custodiri ut dimisso circo compre-
henderetur, et desiderium suum in eum complerent. Hoc dum nutritor
15 suus agnosceret, se in arenam ante casam regis iactavit et tali voce regem
interpellavit, dicens: ‘Miserere, Domine Rex, iuveni, quoniam filius tuus
est; et vos, o filii regis, amovete furiam vestram a iuvene, quia frater
vester est!’ Quid multa?—agnovit rex filium, fratres fratrem, et ad regi-
nam matrem eius mandatur si ita factum esset ut nutritor eius suggessit.
20 Regina vero manifestavit quia pro somnio quod viderat eum iactavit.
Et dum hoc a regina manifestaretur, cum rege patre suo vel cum fratribus
ad domum regiam perrexit, et triumphus de agnito filio vel a matre in
domo regis factus est. Hoc ad sacerdotes pervenit, et ceperunt imminere
ut Paris occideretur, ne civitas, secundum quod antea mater eius per
25 somnium visitata fuerat, periret. Hoc dum ad regem perferretur, dixit:
‘Melius est ut civitas pereat, dum tamen filius noster non interficiatur.’

Et cum hec apud Troiam geruntur, fratres eius maiores vel iuniores
qui iam uxores habebant eum cogebant uxorem ducere. Ille vero ita eis
respondit: ‘Promissum teneo dee Veneris; ipsa mihi dabit uxorem.’ Et

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 7 ]] 
cotidie fanum Veneris deprecabatur, dicens: ‘Dea magna, a qua amor
conubii conceditur, comple circa me promissum tuum et da mihi uxorem.’
Illa vero dum interpellationibus eius cotidie extediaretur, volens apud
eum promissum implere sic ei respondit: ‘De Grecia accipies uxorem.’
Et dum ista geruntur contigit ut rex Priamus pater eorum in consistorio5
suo cum filiis suis—id est, Hectore, Paride, vel aliis—de captivitate
Hesione sororis sue, que temporibus Laomedontis regis patris eius a
Grecis captivata fuerat, disputaret. Quos sic alloquitur, dicens: ‘Pergat
unus vestrum in navibus cum exercitu magno ad partes Grecorum, et
Hesionam amitam vestram huc exinde liberet.’ Paris vero, sciens sibi10
de Grecia a Venere uxorem fuisse promissam, patri suo regi respondit,
dicens: ‘Iube mihi naves cum exercitu vel signo parari ut iussionem regis
adimpleam.’ Quid multa?—iussio regis adimpleta est et naves cum
exercitu preparate sunt.

Paris vero cum exercitu in navibus ad Greciam perrexit, in qua provincia15
eodem tempore regnabant Agamemnon et Menelaus. Qui Mene-
laus habuit uxorem nimium pulcherrimam nomine Helenam quam
Iupiter in similitudinem cigni amavit et de eo concepit, et de ipso con-
ceptu nati sunt Castor et Pollux, vel memorata Helena Menelai regis
uxor. Qui dum ibi Paris in eadem provincia venisset, ita contigit ut20
Agamemnon et Menelaus de urbibus suis ubi regnabant sine mulieribus
absentes fuissent. Regine vero absentibus regibus viris suis gestatu foris
ab urbibus in suburbanis cum familiis suis super ora maris exierunt. In
quibus locis ita provenit ut Paris cum suis de navibus ad terram descende-
ret, quia iam eum nuntius Veneris precesserat et Helenam reginam furore25
amoris sagittaverat. Contigit ut ipsa Helena Paridem ornatum cultu
regali super ora maris de contra videret. Et quia iam amore eius serpita
fuerat, nuntios ad eum mandavit, dicens si aliquod ornamentum quod
regine placeat in venalibus possit ferre. Paris vero etiam ipse decontra

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 8 ]] 
reginam aspiciens, furore amoris eius accensus recommemoratus est quod
promisso Veneris ipsam poterat ducere uxorem. Nuntiis regine respon-
dit: ‘Portamus tale ornamentum quod regine placere possit.’ Nuntii
vero regine responsum Paridis nuntiaverunt. Illa vero iterato nuntios
5 remisit, mandans ut si quod magnum in ornamentis portabant ad pala-
tium regine ferrent. Paris vero mutato habitu cum ornamentis ad
palatium perrexit. Et dum regine ornamenta ostenderet, serpita amore
eius videns speciem vel formam tante iuventutis sic ei respondit: ‘Vellem
regem vestrum secretim videre, quia nimium ex quo eum super ora maris
10 vidi amore eius accensa sum.’ Cui Paris sic respondit: ‘Regem quem
dicis ecce assum. Sed ne agnitus fuissem ornatum regis deposui et in
isto habitu ad te veni. Nam et ego ex quo te vidi amore tuo accensus
sum.’ Cui illa respondit: ‘Quisnam es tu?’ Ille dixit: ‘Filius Priami regis
Troianorum.’ Regina dixit: ‘Et que te ratio fecit ad nostram provinciam
15 venire?’ Paris respondit: ‘Monitio dee Veneris, que sic mihi promisit
dehinc accepturum uxorem.’ Regina respondit: ‘Vellem, si etiam et tu
vis, me hinc uxorem duceres.’ Paris dixit: ‘Quomodo fieri potest, cum
sis uxor regis, ut te uxorem accipiam?’ Helena dixit: ‘Tantum ut tuus
animus velit. Nam ex quo te vidi intollerabilis me amor tuus possedit,
20 quod si me uxorem non duxeris, amore tuo moriar.’ Paris dixit: ‘Et
quomodo hoc fieri potest ut de domo regia exeas?’ Helena respondit: ‘Sunt
mihi de familia mea famuli fidelissimi qui cum thesauris vel omnibus
ornamentis hora noctis silentissima de palatio exeant, tantum ut cum
nave ad ora maris paratus sis.’ Paris dixit: ‘Et si hoc placet regine, com-
pleatur25 desiderium utrorumque.’ Quid plura? Discedente Paride regina
servos suos fidelissimos ad se vocari iussit, quos secretim ita allocuta est
ut thesauros vel ornamenta occulte colligerent et ad horam constitutam
parati essent. Venit hora, et Paris cum navibus ad litus iunxit. Regina

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 9 ]] 
vero cum thesauris vel ornamentis suis de palatio ad navim descendit et
cum Paride navigavit. Et coniunctio Veneris sicut antea promiserat
apud eos celebrata est. Quid multa?

Opinio per totam provinciam peragravit reginam de palatio ad filium
regis Troianorum cum omnibus divitiis fuisse eiectam. Que opinio ad5
Agamemnonem regem et Menelaum maritum eius ubinam fuerunt pervenit.
Hoc audientes furore magno accensi utrique ad urbes suas venerunt.
Et congregatis mille navibus et decem ducibus cum exercitu magno, fa-
ventibus eis Iunone et Minerva, quia dolebant circa Paridem pro iudicio
mali aurei, ad Troiam producunt, ut impleretur quod mater eiusdem10
Paridis antea per somnium viderat, quia per Paridem Troia periret.

Redeamus ad causam. Paris vero accepta Helena ad Troiam venit [[12]]
et domum Priami regis patris sui cum uxore sua ingressus est, et ibi cum
fratribus suis esse cepit.

Agamemnon vero et Menelaus Troiam cum mille navibus et decem15
ducibus obsederunt, ubi foras muros templum Minerve constituerunt,
et consuluerunt quidnam eis futurum esset. Responsum est eis nisi per
Achillem Pelei et Tetidis filium nullo modo posse Troiam adiri. Et cepe-
runt cogitare ubinam poterat esse iste Achilles, et quia fama hoc habuit
quia in domo Licomedis regis in parthenos inter filias regis, id est Didamiam20
vel alias, secretim habebatur, Odisseus et Diomedes acceptis orna-
mentis virginum vel armis ad Licomedem regem in similitudine legato-
rum, ac veluti ab Agamemnone et Menelao directi, pergunt, ubi venientes
tale mendacium finxerunt, dicentes: ‘Petunt te Agamemnon et Menelaus
reges nostri ut eis auxilium ad Troiam des.’ Quibus ille respondit:25
Tractemus et vobis responsum dabimus.’ Illi dixerunt: ‘Si precipis
offeremus munera, iube ut infantes salutemus.’ Rex dixit: ‘Salutentur
a vobis infantes, et munera que portatis eis offerte.’ Odisseus vero et
Diomedes accepto scuto ornamenta que virginibus competunt composue-
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 10 ]] 
necnon et sagittas, et ad filias regis sicut preceptum fuerat ingressi
sunt. Inter quas etiam Achilles in similitudinem virginis fuit, rege patre
earum ignorante quia vir fuit, quoniam in similitudinem virginis illi a
matre sua commendatus fuerat. Quas Odisseus et Diomedes cum mune-
ribus5 salutaverunt; et dum singule virgines unaqueque ad ornamenta
manum mitterent, Achilles vero non tulit nisi tantummodo sagittam,
quam digitis repercutiens ab Odisseo et Diomede agnitus est. Et con-
tinuo Diomedes tuba cecinit. Achilles vero dum tubam canere audivit,
furia armorum invasus, scutum et astam in manu cepit, calce repercutiens
10 tunicam muliebrem qua vestiebatur concidit, et caligam de pede eius
exuit. Cui Odisseus et Diomedes dixerunt: ‘Iusserunt te Agamemnon
et Menelaus reges una nobiscum ad Troiam venire, quia sic eis responsum
est, quoniam per te Troiam poterit adiri. Hoc cum Didamia filia regis,
quam occulte pregnaverat et de ea postea Pyrrum genuerat, vidisset quia
15 Achilles ad Troiam ducitur, ad pedes eius cum filio suo Pyrro se prostravit.
Que ita deprecata est ne eam dimitteret. Achilles vero Didamiam vel
Pyrrum filium suum Licomedi regi commendavit, ne ab eo negaretur, et
cum Odisseo vel Diomede ad Troiam profectus est. Quem honorifice
Agamemnon et Menelaus susceperunt, et cepit una cum eis in exercitu
20 Troiam obsidere.

Et dicere habes: quare Achilles inter virgines inventus est? Iste
Achilles Pelei et Tetidis filius fuit, quem dum mater eius enixa fuisset,
tenens talum eius duobus digitis, capite deorsum in aqua inferiorum que
Stix nuncupatur tinxit. Et exinde stagnatus est, propterea eum ferrum
25 nullo modo adiri poterat, nisi tantummodo in talo ubi digiti matris eius
quando eum tinxit tetigerunt. Et dum tractaret mater sua constella-
tionem eius, responsum est ei: ‘Quia multos gladio perimet, etiam ipse
per ferrum morietur.’ Hoc mater eius metuens, dum cepisset puer iam
lautior esse, eum Chironi pro docendis armis vel litteris discipulum obtu-
lit;30 et dum a Chirone litteris vel armis doctus fuisset, se in Chironem

 [[ Print Edition Page No. b ]] 
Figure 3

L 35v-36r, p. 26, l. 25-p. 28, l. 4

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 11 ]] 

magistrum suum posuit, et in silva leonem occidit. Hoc dum Thetis
mater eius videret quia iam arma poterat tractare, metuens ne eum
perderet pro hoc quod ei responsum fuerat, quia de ferro caderet, eum a
Chirone tulit et illum in cultu virginis aptavit, et ad domum Licomedis
regis duxit et eum petivit ut cum filiabus suis disciplinose erudiretur.5
Quem rex estimans esse virginem suscepit et cum Didamia filia sua vel
cum aliis, sicut superius dictum est, constituit. Hac de causa Achilles
inter virgines deputatus est, et exinde, sicut iam superius diximus, ad
Troiam ductus est. Pyrrus vero filius eius a Licomede avo suo nutrie-
batur. Quid multa?10

Dum Achilles Troiam veniret, Hector filius Priami regis Troianorum
petivit monomachiam cum Achille pugnare. Et quia Achilles ab Aga-
memnone et Menelao lesus fuerat pro Briseida quam apud Troiam †per
muros exposuerat†, et eam sibi coniunxerat, et postea ei ab Agamemnone
sublata est. Ipse dolor fecit eum contra Hectorem nolle exire. Sed15
Patroclum Hector occidit; dum hoc Achilli nuntiatum fuisset, dolore
nimio Patrocli amici sui percussus petivit se una cum Hectore pugnatu-
rum, et diem inter se constituerunt quando utrique ad se ad dimicandum
venirent. Et antequam dies statuta veniret, primum Achilles cum filio Neptuni
dimicavit et eum occidit; deinde cum Pentesilea regina Amazonarum, 20
etiam et ipsam sub mamilla percutiens de equo iactavit, cum
qua dum exanime concubuit. Postea vero cum Memnone Ethiope filio
Aurore pugnavit, et eum in fronte percutiens interfecit. Isti omnes quos
memoravimus a Troianis in auxilium petiti fuerant. Quid multa?

Venit dies statuta ut contra Hectorem ad dimicandum exiret; quem25
Achilles sub mamilla percutiens ante muros interfecit, et continuo super
eum sedens cum amicis suis—id est, Eace et Aiace Telamonio—eum armis
exui iussit et mandavit duos equos indomitos ad currum iungi, et corpus
Hectoris post currum talaribus ligari et post muros trahi. Hoc cum
Priamo regi patri eius vel Hecube matri necnon et Polixene sorori eius30

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 12 ]] 
virgini nuntiatum fuisset, super portam civitatis collocantes viderunt
corpus Hectoris post currum ligatum. Ac illi cum lacrimis deprecati
sunt deposita trutina contra corpus eius aurum pensari et sibi corpus
eius donari; quod Achilles pietate ductus iussit concedi. Et trutina foras
5 muros eiecta corpus Hectoris ex una parte positum est, ex alia vero parte
aurum ponebatur; et dum omne aurum finitum fuisset et non equaretur
corpus Hectoris, Polixena soror eius virgo armillas et brachiales suas
eiecit et in trutina posuit. Achilles vero videns speciem virginis amore
eius accensus Priamo regi mandavit: ‘Dono vobis aurum et corpus si
10 istam dederitis mihi uxorem.’ Quod Priamus rex concessit. Et data
Achilli filia sua aurum et corpus Hectoris filii sui accepit et sepelivit.

Polixena vero dum Achilli coniuncta fuisset et eam nimie diligeret, a
Priamo rege patre eius vel ab Hecuba matre eius mandatur, dicens:
‘Credimus quia debes dolere tante iuventutis fratris tui contra quem nec
15 unus hominum manum ausus est levare, et ad secretam Achillis partem
ubi poterit a ferro adiri nobis prevenire; et dum occisus fuerit et mors
fratris tui vindicata fuerit meliore coniugio coequali nostro te poterimus
dare.’ Hoc dum Polixena audiret, cepit Achillem per amplexus et blandi-
menta provocare ut ei locum occultum ubi a ferro adiri poterat ostenderet.
20 Et quia nichil est quod mulieres non extorqueant de viris ut eis fateantur
ut coniuges cari habent, secretum locum in tali nervo ubi a ferro adiri
poterat ei ostendit. Hoc dum Polixena agnosceret parentibus suis nun-
tiavit, qui dum audissent finxerunt se devotionem in templo Apollinis
habere et ei sacrificium offerre, ad quam devotionem petierunt Achillem
25 una cum Polixena filia eorum interesse. Quibus Achilles consensum
prebuit et ad devotionem templi Apollinis venit. Quia mos erat ut
quando unusquisque ad sacrificandum templa ingrediebatur, inermis et
nuda planta ingrediebatur, hoc etiam Achilles fecit. Et dum ad templum
veniret, arma deposuit et caligam ferream de pede eiecit, et inermis nuda
30 planta templum ingressus est. Et cum thura Apollini offerret, Alexander

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 13 ]] 
qui et Paris filius regis frater Hectoris magnus sagittarius de post statuam
Apollinis Achillem in talo sagittavit, et quia sagittam veneno toxicaverat,
Achilli venenum per membra serpuit. Et dum se Achilles male cepisset
sentire, titiones de ara tollens, quantoscumque in templo invenit inter-
fecit, et sic mortuus est. [Ecce qualiter Achilles mortuus est.] Eas vero5
et Aiax Telamonius amici Achillis venerunt et corpus eius a Priamo rege
petierunt. Et eis concessum est. Quod corpus foras ab urbe tulerunt,
et super eum planctum magnum fecerunt.

Nuntiatum est Agamemnoni et Menelao Achillem occisum fuisse; nimie
contristati sunt; et iterato templa consuluerunt, et eis responsum est quia10
per stirpem Achillis Troia deiceretur. Et ad Licomedem regem legatos
direxerunt, ut eis Pyrrum nepotem suum filium Achillis de Didamia na-
tum dirigeret. Quod et factum est. Et dum Pyrrus filius Achillis duo-
decim annorum ad Troiam veniret, et ei de morte patris sui dictum fuisset,
furore accensus cepit cogitare qualiter mortem patris sui posset vindicare.15
Quid multa?

Agamemnon et Menelaus Minervam deprecabantur ut eis responderet
qualiter Troia adiri possit. Quibus dea respondit ut deberent dolos pre-
parare, et se veluti extediantes cum navibus vel exercitu a Troia tollerent
ad provinciam suam reversuros, et apud Tenedos insulam se occultarent,20
et ibi equus ligneus ex arte Minerve occulte fabricaretur ut per eum Troia
introiretur. Quod audientes responsum, Minerve obedierunt et se ad
Tenedos insulam cum navibus et exercitu contulerunt, sicut Virgilius
descripsit: Est in conspectu Tenedos, notissima fama insula, dives opum [[24-26]]
Priami dum regna manebant, nunc tantum sinus et statio male fida25
carinis. Qui dum apud Tenedos venirent, in occulto sinu se constitue-
runt, et equus ligneus ab eis fabricari cepit.

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 14 ]] 

Et dum hec in Tenedos geruntur, luciscente die cives Troiani, per muros
ubi exercitus vel naves Grecorum fuerant intendentes, neminem viderunt
et gaudio repleti sunt. Putantes quia inimicis caruerunt, ceperunt Vir-
giliana lingua cantare: ‘Hic Dolopum manus, hic sevus tendebat Achilles; [[4-5]]
5 classibus hic locus, hic acies certare solebat.’ Et dum gaudio replerentur,
portas civitatis patefecerunt, et armenta omnia vel iumenta in palude
ante muros iam securi eiecerunt.

Et dum iam Troia secura maneret, apud Tenedos divine Palladis arte
equus ligneus fabricatur. Et dum perfectus fuisset, ceperunt cogitare
10 qualiter ipse equus Troiam perduceretur. Tunc unus de genere Pala-
medis Sinon nomine dixit: ‘Ego faciam ut equus ad Troiam ducatur.’
Cui dixerunt: ‘Quo ordine?’ Sinon respondit: ‘Fusticate me †et cingite
ante pendacem†, et me per noctem in paludibus Troie perducite.’ Quod
et factum est.

15Luciscente vero die pastores Troie consuete cum armentis et pecoribus
in paludibus exierunt, ubi Sinonem fusticatum †et ante pendacem cinctum
iacentem† invenerunt, quem vinctis a tergo manibus cum magno clamore
ad Priamum regem perduxerunt. Qui dum Priamo regi ductus fuisset,
fama per omnem Troiam peragravit. Et congregatio Troianorum ante
20 regem facta est. Quem rex presentibus turbis interrogare cepit. Cui
sic ait: ‘Dic nobis, de qua origine es tu, vel que sit cognatio tua.’ Cui
Sinon sic respondit: ‘De genere Palamedis regis, quem Greci interfecerunt;
et dum pro morte eius vellem aliquid assumere, inter Grecos inimicitias
concepi. Sed iuretur mihi quia eis non tradar et singula publicabo.’
25 Quod dum ei iuratum fuisset, quod eis non traderetur neque contaminare-
tur, etiam ipse isto more sacramentum dedit erectis ad sydera palmis:
‘Vos eterni ignes,’ ait, ‘inviolabile vestrum testor numen, vos are ensesque [[27-28]]
nefandi.’ Cumque sic sacramentum dedisset, rex accepto sacramento

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 15 ]] 
eum de vinculis solvit et tanquam proprium sic eum habere cepit. Cui
ita dixit: ‘Iam noster eris. Obliviscere Grecos.’[[2]]

Sinon vero sciens se bene a rege fuisse susceptum dolos preparavit, ut
equus, sicut a suis discesserat, Troiam perduceretur; et cepit regi fidu-
cialiter sic loqui: ‘Quando huc de provincia nostra ad vos exivimus, sacrificatum5
est de sanguine virginis, quem sic poposcit Apollo. Et iam nunc
pro reditu nostro dum Apollinem deprecati fuissemus, sic respondit:
“Quando huc cogitastis navigare, sanguine me placastis virginis. Et
nunc pro reditu vestro nisi iterato sanguine humano sacrificaveritis, nullo
modo ad propria vestra reditum habere potestis.” Cumque talia responsa10
acciperemus, omnes pavor invasit cuius animam posceret Apollo.
Et cum sors emissa fuisset, super me cecidit ut de sanguine meo Apollini
offeretur. Et sic invento loco fugiens huc ad regnum tuum devolutus
sum. Interea fecerunt equum mire magnitudinis, quem templo Minerve
quod foras muros fecerunt pro reditu suo volunt offerre. †Quem metum15
speret regnum tuum iam hic esse.† Ergo iube eum a templo Minerve
quod foras muros est tolli, et huc ipsum equum ad templum Neptuni
quod intra urbem est [et in eius tutela Troia fabricata est] mitti; et necesse
erit ut eis Apollo et Minerva, quod sibi promissa perdi videntur, irascan-
tur, et dum navigare ceperint vim tempestatis excitent et <eos in pelagus20
demergant. Et hostibus carebitis.) Talibus insidiis periurique hac arte [[21-22]]
Sinonis capta est quam non anni domuere decem, non mille carine.

Hec cum rex a Sinone audiret, cepit eum tanquam proprium diligere
et in domo sua habere. Et cum ista geruntur, Greci, ut superius dictum
est, scientes Sinonem ad domum regis bene fuisse susceptum vel illa25

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 16 ]] 
secreta que locutus fuerat complevisset, et equum ligneum quem fecerant
per noctem de Tenedos ad Troiam perduxerunt et eum ante templum
Minerve quod foras muros est statuerunt. Et cum dies lucesceret et
equus ad templum Minerve visus fuisset, cepit populus pro videndo equo
5 catervatim de civitate exire. Inter quos etiam Laucoon sacerdos Neptuni
egrediebatur et populum increpabat dicens, sicut Virgilius descripsit:
Laucoon summa decurrit ab arce magna comitante caterva. Et dicebat: [[7-16]]
‘Que vos tanta invasit insania, cives, si vos creditis avectos hostes aut
ulla putatis dona carere dolis Danaum? Si quicquid illud certum est,
10 timeo Danaos et dona ferentes. Aut aliquis latet error intus (ne credite,
Teucri), aut ad hoc est iste equus fabricatus ut per eum inimici muros
ascendant.’ Et hec dicens erexit ingentibus viribus astam et in ilium
equi dedit, et qui intra eum inclusi fuerunt streptitum dederunt, sicut
scriptum est: Intonuere cave gemitumque dedere caverne. Et iam Lau-
coon15 proximus fuit Argolicas fedare latebras si mens non leva fuisset.
[Hoc est, contraria.] Sic deus iratus Troie, sic fata ferebant.

Et cum Laucoon populum ab intentione revocare vellet, populus eum
advertere noluit, sed sic ei dicebat: ‘Si vis ut dictis tuis credamus, sacri-
fica Neptuno; et si hoc responderit quod tu dicis, necesse erit ut dictis
20 tuis credamus.’ Tunc Laucoon taurum ingentem adduxit ad aram; et
cum duobus filiis suis geminis ad aram Neptuni veniens, dum vellet tau-
rum mactare, ecce a Tenedos super aquas maris immensis orbibus angues
[hoc est, dracones] sibilabant linguis atque spumam per ora iactabant.
Qui venientes filios Laucoontis subligaverunt et eos morsibus occiderunt;
25 cumque Laucoon filios suos eruere vellet, etiam ipse cum filiis suis a ser-
pentibus devoratus est. Hec cum Troiani viderent, quibus iam dii irasce-
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 17 ]] 
dixerunt: ‘Quia resistit ut equus Troie mitteretur ad templum
Neptuni, merito ipse Neptunus ei iratus est, et serpentes ei immisit ut
eum cum filiis suis devorarent.’

Et dum regi Priamo singula nuntiata fuissent, iussit iuvenes vel in-
nuptas puellas congregari cum lampadibus et equum intra urbem (sicut 5
Sinon per dolos dixerat) ad templum Neptuni perduci. Cum ad portam
venisset et equus intrare non potuisset quia mire magnitudinis fuit, muri
in circuitu porte elisi sunt, et sic equus super rotas ambulans in urbem
missus est, sicut Virgilius descripsit: Dividimus muros et menia pandimus [[9-11]]
urbis. Accingunt omnes operi; pedibusque rotarum subiciunt lapsus et10
stuppea vincula collo intendunt, scanditque fatalis machina muros.
Quid multa?

Dum equus in Troiam mitteretur, per sollempnitatem quia donum
inimicorum Minerve oblatum Neptuno datum est. Epulum magnum
fecerunt, et iacuit Troia somno vinoque sepulta. Et dum iam nox veniret15,
Sinon, videns Troiam vino sepultam iacere, ad equum ivit, et ostium
quod in dorso habuit aperuit; et exinde novem duces qui intra eum
armati inclusi fuerunt exierunt—id est, Tessandrus, Stenelus, Ulixes [[18-20]]
, Acamas, Toas, Pelides Neoptolimus, Macaon, Menelaus, et Epeos doli
fabricator—qui omnes per portas circumierunt. Et hostes Grecorum20
qui apud Tenedos fuerunt, levatis a Sinone signis de Troia, continuo in
navibus venerunt. Et dum portas omnes patentes invenirent, urbem
per noctem introierunt et eam igne vel gladio cremaverunt. Ecce quali-
ter Troia ab inimicis adita vel interfecta est!

Et dum Troia adita fuisset, Eneas Veneris et Anchise filius gener Priami25
regis per somnium, quia nondum ad eum hostes pervenerant, ab umbra

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 18 ]] 
Hectoris admonitus est, sicut Virgilius descripsit: Ecce mihi ante oculos [[1-5]]
mestissimus Hector visus adesse mihi largosque effundere fletus, squa-
lente barba atque horrida, lora tumentium pedum habens. Sic talia fatur:
‘Dormis, nate dea; hostis habet muros, ruit alto a culmine Troia. Fuimus
5 Troes, fuit Ilium et ingens gloria Teucrorum.’

Hec cum ei umbra Hectoris alloqueretur, Eneas expergefactus, in tur-
rem quam in superioribus domus sue habuit ascendens et aurem ponens,
audivit strepitum armatorum atque flammarum sicut stuppe vel segetis
quando in furnum mittitur. Et passus manian se armavit, et de domo
10 sua armatus dum vellet exire eum uxor sua tenuit. Cui sic ait: ‘Hanc
primum tutare domum.’ Ille vero uxorem suam a se repellens armatus
exiit. Et dum per urbem vagaretur, se ad eum multi collegerunt, inter
quos fuit etiam Corebus, qui Cassandram filiam regis desponsaverat, et
venerat ad eam ut in coniugio acciperet, et ibi eum excidium invenit.
15 Et dum triginta armati effecti fuissent, in alios triginta adversarios impe- [[15-16]]
gerunt, quorum dux fuit Androgeus. Et dum sibi utrique per obscuram
noctem occurrerent, sperans Androgeus Eneam cum sociis suis de agmine
suo esse sic eis locutus est, dicens: ‘Eu,’ inquit, ‘iuvenes, quare tardius
de navibus descendistis?’ Eneas vero, dum agnosceret Androgeum cum
20 sociis suis inimicum esse, eum cum omnibus sibi coniunctis interfecit.

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 19 ]] 
Qui dum eum interficerent, metuens ne in maius agmen incurrissent et
agnitus esset, illis omnibus quos interfecerunt loricas vel galeas eorum
[eos] exuerunt et se induerunt atque arma eorum intulerunt; et sic socios
suos <Eneas> allocutus est, dicens: ‘Mutemus clipeos Danaumque insignia [[4-6]]
nobis aptemus. Dolus an virtus, quis in hoste requirat? Arma dabunt5
ipsi.’ Et dum iam in signo inimicorum ambularent, ceperunt in quantos-
cumque impegerunt interficere. Et dum per civitatem vagarentur, ecce
vident Cassandram ab adversariis per crines trahi maxima voce claman-
tem. Non tulit hanc speciem furiata mente Corebus. Cum sponsus [[9]]
vocem eius audisset, se inter hostes volens eam eruere misit et ibi interfectus10

Hoc dum Eneas videret, se ad domum regis direxit. Ubi a longe
veniens vidit Pyrrum Achillis filium cum exercitu iam domum regis in-
trasse; et Pyrrus post Ypolitem filium Priami regis per quadra porticus
evaginato gladio currebat. Quem ante aram que in domo regis fuit sub15
arbore lauro ante oculos Priami regis patris eius interfecit. Qui Priamus,
quando vidit domum suam intratam fuisse, se armis vel zaba munivit;
et una cum Eguba uxore sua super aram stetit. Cui uxor sua sic ait:
‘Nec tali auxilio nec defensionibus istis hoc tempus erit. Quod si vellent [[19-20]]
dii ut Troia defensa fuisset, Hector non occideretur.’ Priamus vero, dum20
videret filium suum a Pyrro ante oculos suos interfici, Pyrrum increpare
cepit atque ei maledicere, quem Priamum similiter Pyrrus super aram
interfecit, sicut Virgilius descripsit: Hec finis Priami fatorum, hic exitus [[23-26]]
illum sorte tulit, Troiam incensam et prolapsa videntem Pergama, totque
populis terrisque superbum regnatorem Asie. Iacet ingens litore truncus25
avulsumque humeris caput absque nomine corpus. [Hic finis Priami.]

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 20 ]] 

Polixenam vero, que secretum locum ubi idem Achilles a ferro adiri
poterat parentibus suis indicaverat, <Pyrrus> cepit et eam ad tumulum
patris sui perduxit. Et aperto tumulo vivam eam in sarcofago ubi pater
eius fuit misit et cooperuit et plumbo ligavit. [Ecce qualiter Polixena
5 occisa est.]

Eneas vero, dum regem interfectum vidisset, cepit cogitare qualiter se de Troia
erueret. Et dum ad domum suam reverteretur, ei veniens mater
sua in numine suo se ostendit. Cui sic ait: ‘Tolle patrem vel filium et
hinc egredere; quia, dum Iupiter fata tua perpenderet, hoc ei responde-
runt,10 quod te oportet regnum apud Italiam optinere—non solum tu sed
et nati natorum et qui nascentur ab illis.’ Et cum eum allocuta fuisset,
subito non comparuit. Discedente vero matre eius Panthus sacerdos
portans deos aureos ei obviam fuit. Cui sic ait: ‘Sacra suosque tibi [[13-14]]
commendat Troia Penates. Hos capite, fugite, ubi fueris menia conde.’
15 Et cum ab eo deos suscepisset, discessit.

Inde ad domum suam veniens, omnem familiam suam allocutus est,
dicens: ‘Quisque quomodo potest ad templum Cereris cum omnibus suis
mihi occurrat, necnon et cum omni ornatu domus mee, quo possimus a
manibus adversariorum evadere.’ Et [cum] hec dicens patrem suum in
20 scapula super pellem leonis levavit. Et tenens manum Aschanii filii sui,
Creusam coniugem suam filiam Priami regis sic alloquitur, dicens: ‘Eia
coniunx, exeamus quia nos fata gubernant.’ Et de domo sua per noctem

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 21 ]] 
exiens, ad templum Cereris quod foris ab urbe in montibus in occulto
loco fuit inter nemora cupressus perrexit. Et dum iter agunt, uxor eius
ab eo erravit. Et dum ad templum veniret, invenit ibi multam turbam
priorum Troianorum, qui illuc se cum omnibus divitiis suis contulerant.
Qui dum Eneam viderunt, omnes genibus eius provoluti cum magnis5
lacrimis eum deprecari ceperunt. Cui sic dixerunt: ‘Te nobis ex hodierna
die ducem confirmamus, et ubi fueris fortunam tuam sequemur.’ Et hiis
dictis Eneas ab eis dux confirmatus est. Et dum respiciens uxorem suam
non videret, iterato de templo Cereris ad Troiam reversus est. Et cepit
voce magna clamare: ‘Creusa, Creusa, ubi es?’ inquit; et dum ita vociferaret10
ei umbra eius apparuit. Cui sic respondit: ‘Iam me noli querere; [[11-17]]
quia a diis rapta sum, et in numero suo me constituerunt, merito quid
tibi futurum sit pronuntio. Oportet te per multa pericula maris necnon
et per multum tempus ad regnum tibi promissum pervenire, et aliam
accepturus eris uxorem. Perquire. Commendo tibi Ascanium filium15
nostrum necnon et Anchisem patrem tuum ut eos in aliquo non contristes.
Et noli oblivisci Creusam tuam.’ Et cum hec dixisset, Eneas volens eam
amplexam tenere putans eam vivam esse, ab oculis eius subito sublata
est. Hec videns Eneas cum magnis lacrimis iterato ad templum Cereris
perrexit. Et dum ibi veniret, omnes socios ad se convocans sic allocutus20
est, dicens: ‘Eia omnes fortissimi viri, omnia vestra in navibus ponite, et
quo nos fata provocaverint pergamus.’ Et continuo omnis turba Troia-
norum, preceptioni eius obediens, statim cum omnibus suis se in navibus
posuerunt, ubi etiam Eneas cum Anchise patre suo et Ascanio filio necnon
et cum familia ascendit.25

Et de Troia cum viginti navibus exierunt. Qui dum dies lucesceret,
respicientes post se viderunt aggeres Troie fumare,et ululatum magnum

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 22 ]] 
de perditione civitatis dantes audierunt. Illi vero iter suum per maria
direxerunt. Et primum Samothraciam venientes, dum ad litus naves
iungerent et diis suis quos portabant vellent sacrificium offerre, sub radice
montis aram fabricaverunt. Que dum fabricata fuisset, cepit Eneas
5 querere laurum aut mirtum unde ara coronaretur. Et respiciens inter
spissa silvarum vidit arbores mirteas; ad quas dum veniret et exinde vir-
gas abscideret, ceperunt ipse virgule guttas sanguinis distillare. Quod
dum Eneas videret, evanuit; et cepit secum cogitare quidnam hoc esset,
et consideravit nimfas fuisse agrestes. Et aurem humo ponens, vox ei [[9]]
10 [[10-16]] de sub humo respondit, dicens: ‘Parce,’ inquit, ‘et noli lacerare sepultum.
Nam ego sum Polidorus, Priami regis filius, quem huc pater meus cum
magnis divitiis regi Tracie furtim mandavit alendum. Ille vero, volens
divitias quas portabam lucrari, me in isto loco lanceis interfici mandavit. [[13]]
Et qui me interfecerunt super tumulum meum lanceas fixerunt, et ipse
15 lancee fronduerunt et in mirtum converse sunt. Sed moneo te: fuge
crudeles terras, fuge litus avarum.’ Et hec cum dixisset, vox de sub
humo siluit.

Hoc audiens, Eneas exinde cum magnis lacrimis naves ascendit; et
errans per multa tempora in mari ad litus desertum ubi habitatio homi-
num20 non fuit sub silvis devolutus est. Et cum de navibus cum sociis
suis descenderet, silvam ascenderunt ubi armenta non parva vel pecuaria
invenerunt, quod armentum vel greges Arphiarum avium fuerunt. Qua-
rum avium Celeno regina fuit. Et dum de armento ipso vel de pecoribus
[non parva] mactarent, sibi epulum in silva fecerunt. Ecce subito agmen
25 Arphiarum avium venit; et dum greges suos devastatos viderent, ceperunt
se velle in volatu mittere et singulos rapere et eos devorare. Hoc videns,
Eneas cum sociis suis cepit ipsas aves sagittare; et dum eas sagittis vincere
non valuissent, videntes se turbatos, sub nemoribus arborum ubi aves

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 23 ]] 
accedere non valebant se ad epulum posuerunt. Hoc videntes, aves
ceperunt eis epulas stercorare. Tunc ipsa Celeno regina sedens super
pinnam montis cepit famem futuram prophetisare pro hoc, quod ausi
sunt armenta earum devastare. Quod et contigit.

Inde per maria errantes, devenerunt Siciliam sub igneo monte; ubi5
dum iungerent audierunt vocem Achemenidis (Greci qui de exercitu Ulixis
a Polifemo Ciclope captivatus fuerat; et ab eodem de spelunca evasit, et
pro metu aliorum Ciclopum ad litus descendere non poterat ne ab eis
interficeretur; sed per multa tempora in silvis herbis vescebatur, et inter
lapides in locis occultis ne ab aliquo videretur obcelatus fuit) talia voce10
clamantem atque dicentem: ‘Tollite me, Teucri, et quascumque potestis [[11-12]]
abducite terras. Si pereo, hominum manu perisse iuvabit.’ Hanc cum
Eneas vocem deprecantis audiret, naves ad litora iunxit et Achemenidem
in navem levavit. Et dicere habes: qui fuit Achemenides, vel Ulixes de
cuius exercitu captivatus fuit; vel quis fuit Polifemus qui eum captivavit?15
Respondendum est: hic Achemenides de exercitu fuit Ulixis, qui alio vo-
cabulo Odisseus nuncupatur. Qui Odisseus in numero decem ducum
quos Agamemnon et Menelaus ad Troiam in auxilium invitaverunt fuit.
Et dum Troia expugnata vel incensa fuisset, exinde omnes unusquisque
ad provinciam suam reversi sunt. Et dum reverterentur, diversa supplicia20
a diis immortalibus pertulerunt, de quorum numero, ut superius
diximus, Odisseus cum suis ad provinciam suam remeans, a vento repercussus,
Ethne monti Sicilie devolutus est. In quo monte Vulcanus deus
ignis, a quo omnis ars aurificum, argentariorum, erariorum, vel fabrorum
ferrariorum procreata est. Cuius Vulcani discipuli Ciclopes fuerunt; et25
potentior omnibus Polifemus fuit, qui Polifemus hominum vel pecorum
cruentator fuit. Qui dum ibi Odisseus cum sociis suis veniret, audivit
opinionem Polifemi. Ad speluncam eius porrexit; et dum eum somno

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 24 ]] 
in spelunca iacentem invenit, de lampade ardente oculum eius extinxit.
Ille vero, de somno expergefactus ut sensit oculum se amisisse, de spelunca
sua egressus cum magno dolore et mugitu in arbore pinus impinxit; et
sibi ex ea baculum fecit, et cepit ad litus pertendere ut Odisseum cum
5 sociis captivaret et eum interficeret. Et dum ad litus venisset, Odisseum
cum navibus captivare non potuit; sed quoscumque in litore cepit qui se
ad naves colligere non potuerunt captivavit et cruentavit. De quorum
numero captivorum solus ab eo Achemenides evadere potuit. Et dum
memoratus Polifemus, qui est Ciclops, Odisseum capere non valuisset,
10 barritum dedit, et ad eius barritum tres insule expaverunt. Merito, ut
superius dictum est, solus Achemenides de eius captivitate evasit, quem
Eneas, dum vocem eius audiret, in navem levavit et de captivitate Ci-
clopum eruit.

Et exinde movens in aliud litus Sicilie devolutus est, videns super ora
15 maris templum mire magnitudinis; et dum ad templum veniret, in eodem templo
invenit orantem Andromachen relictam Hectoris, quam sibi
Pyrrus filius Achillis concubinam fecerat. Que dum Eneam cum Ascanio
filio suo agnosceret, cepit flere et de casu Troie exponere. Et tenens ad
se in amplexu Ascanium filium Enee, sic eum cum lacrimis allocuta est:
20 ‘O lux Dardanie, quem pater Eneas et avunculus excitat Hector.’ Et
dum flevisset et cum ab ea discedere vellent, munera Ascanio dedit; et
flentes amare, abinvicem discesserunt.

Inde egrediens ad aliud litus Sicilie devenit, ubi pater eius Anchises
mortuus est. Quem digne sepelivit, et super eum tumulum mire magni-
tudinis25 fecit.

Et dum exinde ad Italiam ad regnum percipiendum vellent pergere,
dum naves ascenderent, Iuno iracundia ducta pro iudicio Paridis volens
omne genus Troianorum perdere ad Eolum regem ventorum perrexit, et
eum petiit ut ventos excitaret et Eneam cum navibus suis perderet. Cui

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 25 ]] 
Eolus obediens acuta cuspide haste sue speluncam in qua venti inclusi
fuerant patefecit. Et venti relaxati ceperunt cum magno impetu per
silvas et terras perexire; deinde mare introierunt et naves Enee per diversa
litora fractis arboribus et antennis sparserunt. De quibus ante oculos
eius una navis, in qua Palinurus gubernator fuit, mersit; et cepit Palinurus5
a fluctibus maris iactari, et cupiebat ad navem Enee natando pervenire.
Sed quia vis tempestatis fuit, neque ille ad navem poterat pervenire quia
eum unde iactabant, neque Eneas ad eum poterat navem iungere; et
natando cum magnis lacrimis Eneam deprecabatur, dicens: ‘Per genito- [[9-15]]
rem oro, per spem surgentis Iuli, eripe me his, invicte, malis, aut tu mihi10
terram inice; namque potes portusque prebere Velinos; aut tu, si qua via
est, si quam tibi diva creatrix ostendit (neque enim, credo, sine nomine
divum flumina tanta paras Stigiamque innare paludem), da dexteram
misero et tecum me tolle per undas sedibus ut saltem placidis in morte
quiescam.’ Et cum has preces explicuisset, ab undis absortus non comparuit.15
Alie vero naves, sicut superius dictum est, a vento per diversa
litora ob iracundiam Iunonis sparse sunt, sicut Virgilius descripsit: Cum [[17-18]]
Iuno, eternum servans sub pectore vulnus, Eoliam venit; hic vasto rex [[18-19]]
Eolus antro et mulcere facit ventos et temperat iras. Cui talia fatur: [[19]]
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 26 ]] 
‘Eole, namque tibi divum pater atque hominum rex et mulcere dedit [[1-6]]
ventos et dare laxas iussus habenas. Gens inimica mihi Tirrenum navi-
gat equor, Ilium in Italia portans victosque penates. Incute vim ventis
subversasque obrue puppes, aut age diversas et disice corpora ponto.
5 Sunt mihi bis septem prestanti corpore nimfe, quarum que forma pul-
cherrima, Deiopea, coniugio iungam stabili propriamque dicabo.’ Hec
cum Eolus audisset, Iunoni respondit: ‘O dea, soror Iovis et coniunx,
cum hoc regnum a vobis mihi datum est et me in potestate habetis, quan-
tomagis omnes ventos qui sub regimine meo habentur.’ Et cum ista
10 omnia Iunoni dixisset, ventos, ut dictum est, relaxavit et naves Enee,
sicut superius memoratum est, sparsit.

Eneas vero, dum videret naves suas a vento sparsas fuisse, in medio
pelago erexit ad sidera palmas et cepit Iovem deprecari cum magnis
lacrimis ut ab eo venti quiescerent. Qui dum Iovem deprecaretur,
15 Neptunus preces eius audivit et erigens caput de sub undis Eurum
Zephirumque ad se vocari iussit. Quibus sic ait: ‘Maturate fugam [[16-18]]
regique vestro hec dicite: “Non illi imperium pelagi sevumque tridentem
Iupiter dedit, sed mihi sorte datum est.” ’ Venti vero, obedientes pre-
ceptioni eius, ad locum suum reversi sunt, et sic tranquillitas in mari
20 facta est. Et dum ista geruntur, intra duas horas sex naves de navibus
suis ad Eneam se congregaverunt; alie vero duodecim per litora incognita
sparse sunt.

Et dum Eneas cum septem navibus navigaret ad litus Africanum, de-
volutus est in partes loci qui Abar vocatur sub monte ubi nunc clipeo [[24]]
25 civitas facta est. Et dum ad litus iungeret, ignarus provincie ubi fuisset
devolutus, insuper et cogitans quia ab eo naves duodecim erraverunt et
una in qua Palinurus fuit ante oculos eius mersit, relinquens socios suos

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 27 ]] 
in litore, montem cum Achate armigero suo ascendit, volens de cacumine
montis pelagus inspicere ne forte naves suas que ab eo erraverant possit
videre. Et dum montem ascenderet, aspexit econtra et vidit gregem
cervorum pascentium; et tollens arma ab Achate armigero suo septem
cervos sagittis occidit, et singulos per singulas naves distribuit. Qui5
dum distributi fuissent, tergora diripiunt costis et viscera nudant. Et [[6]]
dum epulum factum fuisset, Eneas socios suos animare cepit, dicens:
‘Forti animo estote, o viri fortissimi; dabit nobis deus adiutorium, et nos
ad Italiam pro regno percipiendo, sicut promisit, perducet. Ergo gau-
dete; et in deo sperate.’ Et dum eos animaret, iterato cum armigero10
suo montem ascendit ut pelagus aspiceret, si naves suas posset videre.
Ecce Venus mater eius in Arpalice [hoc est, venatrice] ei apparuit in tali
cultu venatricis—id est alte cincta <c>alcas in pedibus et armi iuclo
arcum portans et in comam capiti vittam habens. Cui sic ait: ‘Heus,’ [[14]]
inquit, ‘iuvenis, aliquamne forte vidisti errantem germanam sororem15
succinctam faretra et maculose tegmine lincis?’ Cui Eneas respondit: [[14-16]]
Nullam me, o virgo, tuarum vidisse germanarum sororum fateor; sed [[17-20]]
non te video voce humana loqui, sed vox tibi dearum est. Sed si dea
es, ostende te nobis ut ne minorem honorem tibi exhibeamus quam aliis
diis exhibemus. Et dic nobis in qua provincia sumus devoluti.’ Cui20
Venus respondit: ‘Equidem ego dea non sum, sed scias te in provincia
Libia esse devolutum. Et consuetudo est virginibus Libicis gestare [[22-23]]
pharetras. Sed, ut video, navibus que a te erraverunt intendis, quia
augurio agimur divum. Aspice bis senos cignos quos Iovis ales atheria
plaga secuta est; ipsa sunt signa navium tuarum, quas cito ad te venire25
spera. Et quia scio te per multa tempora per maria errare, do tibi con-
silium. Ecce hic proxima est Cartago civitas, que nunc a Sidonia Didone

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 28 ]] 
conditur. Que Dido a viro destituta est, quia vir eius Sicheus a Pigma-
lione rege Sydoniensium fratre eius volente divitias eius tollere occisus
est. Et exinde de Tyro et Sidone huc cum exercitu magno devoluta est;
et ibi ab Iarba rege hic sibi solum comparavit, ubi nunc Cartaginem con-
stituit.5 Quia, ut dixi, a viro destituta est, poterit te suscipere et sibi
comparem adoptare.’ Et hec cum dixisset, se ab eodem duxit. Et mu-
tato habitu se iterum in similitudinem deorum ostendit. Quam dum
Eneas agnosceret, quia mater eius fuit, genibus eius provolutus cum
lacrimis sic eam deprecatus est, dicens: ‘Dea mater, quid me tantis ima-
ginibus10 ludificas? Ubi sunt promissa que mihi apud Troiam promiseras,
quod regnum Italie poteram suscipere? Ecce per quanta pericula, seu
famis sive maris, pervenimus ut et naufragia pertulerimus. Iam mise-
rere, et nos de tantis periculis libera.’ Cui mater respondit: ‘Vade, sicut
superius dixi, ad Cartaginem, et necesse erit ut a Didone, inmisso ei
15 amore tuo, suscipiaris. Ergo dic sociis tuis ut naves conscendant et ad
Cartaginem una cum navibus suis septem iungant. Te subtus nebulam

Venit, et ad portum iunxit. Super quem portum templum ingens [[18]]
Iunoni condiderat Sidonia Dido, ubi caput equi appellatur. Et dicere
20 habes: quare caput equi? Respondendum est: quia, quando Cartago a
Didone fundari cepit, ut primus lapis in fundamento collocatus est, thura
Iunoni a Didone super ipsum lapidem facta sunt, quia in tutela Iunonis
Carthago condita est. Et dum sacrificaretur, in igne caput equi apparuit,
ut ostenderet Cartaginem semper bellicosam esse, et sine ducibus aut
25 regibus non esse. In quo loco, ut superius dictum est, templum ingens
Iunoni condiderat Sidonia Dido. In quo templo omnia regna vel casus
Troie pinxerat. Ad quod templum, ut superius dictum est, Eneas tectus

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 29 ]] 
nebula cum Achate armigero suo, dimissis septem navibus, cum sociis
suis ingressus est. Et dum omnes casus Troie in eodem templo pictos
videret, animum pictura pascit inani; et repletus lacrimis armigero suo [[3]]
ait: ‘O infelicitas vel casus Troie! Non est una regio per omnem orbem
ubi non fama de casu nostro peragravit. Et dum ista armigero suo lo-
quitur,5 subito Dido regina constipata catervis famulorum vel famularum,
ornata ex auro et gemmis templum ingressa est. Quam Eneas videns
ipse a nemine videbatur. Et dum in trono suo Dido consedisset, cepit
leges dare atque sanctum senatum constituere. Et dum leges daret, [[9]]
subito vidit duodecim naves, que ab Enea, quando ei Iuno tempestatem10
excitaverat, erraverant, ad portum iungere fractis arboribus vel antennis.
Ad quas Dido putans inimicorum esse viros armatos direxit, qui omnes
qui in eisdem navibus fuerunt vinctos adducerent et postea naves igni
concremarent. Et dum aspectibus regine omnes Troiani qui in navibus
fuerunt adducerentur, maximus omnium Ilioneus sic regine cum magnis15
lacrimis fari cepit: ‘O regina, cui Iupiter concessit ut talem urbem con-
deres, miserere nobis et amove infandos a navibus ignes. Miserere nostri, [[17]]
rogamus, et agnosce casus nostros.’ Quibus regina iussit vincula solvi et [[18]]
licentiose casus suos exponere.

Tunc Ilioneus sic respondit: ‘Dum Troia civitas nostra iracundia deo- 20
rum faciente a Grecis per noctem intrata fuisset vel incensa, nos quos
vides, vel alios quos a nobis tempestas in pelago sparsit, fugientes ad
templum Cereris devenimus. Ubi etiam Eneas Veneris et Anchise filius
cum patre suo Anchise et filio Ascanio vel cum omni familia fugiens
devolutus est, amissa coniuge Priami quondam regis nostri filia. Quem25
dum videremus, provoluti genibus eius, eum nobis ducem elegimus, quia
sic etiam a dea Venere matre sua admonitus est quia regnum Italie

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 30 ]] 
obtineret—non solum ipse sed et nati natorum et qui nascuntur ab illis.
Hoc nos agnoscentes fortunam eius secuti sumus. Et dum Troia incensa
fuisset, cum viginti navibus vel ipso Enea duce nostro exivimus; et sunt
usque in hunc anni septem ex quo excidium Troie contigit, quo periculo
5 maris iactamur et nusquam sedes invenimus. Et dum de Sicilia ad
Italiam pergeremus, subito vim tempestatis pertulimus. Et a par<t>e
exparsi sumus, et nescimus si ipse Eneas dux noster cum aliis navibus
evasit aut in procella maris periit. Nos vero miseri fractis arboribus vel
antennis huc devoluti sumus. Merito te, domina regina, rogamus ut des
10 licentiam ut arbores vel antennas navibus nostris preparemus et ad
Italiam secundum promissum deorum pergamus. Forsitan ibi poteri- [[11]]
mus invenire Eneam ducem nostrum.’

Hec cum regina audisset, eis respondit: ‘Descendite de navibus vestris
et vos cum populo meo commiscete, et uno auspicio nos Iupiter guber-
nabit.15 Et necesse erit ut naves cursorias per omnia litora Africana diri-
gam, ut ubi Eneas dux vester inventus fuerit huc eum perducant. Et [[16]]
non illi displicebunt connubia nostra. Quia ego etiam peregrina sum in
hac provincia, etiam et vos audite casus meos. Nata sum filia regis de [[18]]
Tiro Sidone, et dum ad nubilem venissem etatem, a patre meo, muneribus
20 magnis acceptis, Sicheo quondam viro illustri et magnifico in coniugio
data sum. Et dum pater meus de hac luce migrasset, frater meus Pig-
malion regnum eius suscepit. Et cum suis domesticis tractans ad divitias
mariti mei, ipsum maritum meum in venatione occidit. Et mihi mors
mariti mei ab eo celata est, volens etiam me interficere et divitias meas
25 tollere. Et dum hec geruntur, per somnos mihi umbra mariti mei locuta
est, dicens ut etiam ego, collectis omnibus divitiis, fugerem; etiam divitias
avorum et proavorum suorum terra absconditas levarem et tollerem.

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 31 ]] 
Quod et feci. Et congregans ad me omnem populum, in navibus occulte
collectis, ut dixi, omnibus divitiis meis collocavi, et ad Siciliam devoluta
sum. Ubi veniens Siracusam civitatem dum condere vellem, mihi popu-
lus murmurare cepit. Hoc ego agnoscens, quia non mihi imminebat ibi
sedes habere, in navibus cum omnibus sociis meis ascendens, ad hunc5
locum devoluta sum. Cumque requirerem quisnam esset rex huius pro-
vincie, dictum mihi est Getulum Iarbam; ad quem legatos misi ut mihi
solum distraheret ubinam cum sociis meis sedes haberem. Et mihi
distraxit hunc locum adversus quod †corrigia que de corio tauri lineare
potuit†. Et dum hanc urbem perficerem, voluit me in coniugio accipere,10
cuius connubia despexi. Sed si dux vester talis est, et ad eius imaginem
pervenire valuerimus, forsitan, ut superius dixi, non illi displicebunt
connubia nostra.’

Hec cum Dido sociis Enee locuta fuisset, Achates armiger Enee respondit:
‘Quid tardas? Vides reginam nedum te nosse et in amorem15
tuum incidisse. Ergo rumpe nebulam, et quisnam sis te regine ostende.’
Hec cum Achates dixisset, Eneas rupta nebula in medio templo se regine
ostendit. Armatus lorica et galea cristata, scutum atque hastam tenens,
in similitudinem Martis se regine declaravit: ‘Coram,’ ait Eneas, ‘quem
queritis assum.’ Et dum eum regina loquentem videret, amore eius20
incensa dimittens leges quas populo suo dabat, Enee manum tenuit et
eum ad aulam regiam ducere cepit. Hoc videntes, socii Enee de navibus
duodecim qui vincti a Didone expositi fuerant, provoluti genibus ante
Eneam se prostraverunt, dicentes: ‘O lux Dardanie, quem nobis Iupiter
ducem confirmavit, ubinam et a nobis violentia deorum separaverat?’25
Quos videns, Eneas lacrimatus est, et eis iussit ut sociis suis qui in aliis
septem navibus fuerant Hoc dum Dido

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 32 ]] 
regina videret, sciens eum in templum ducem esse, amore eius incensa,
tenens eius manum ad aulam suam regiam eum perduxit, ostendens ei
Tunicas opes urbemque paratam. Quem continuo ad cenam petiit. Cui [[3]]
sic ait: ‘Communem hunc populum [hoc est, meum ac tuum] pariterque [[4-5]]
5 regamus auspiciis; et liceat Frigio servire marito.’ Et continuo iussit
mensas tapetis regalibus ornari. Eneas, ut sensit se a regina amari,
Achatem armigerum suum alloquitur, dicens: ‘Vade ad naves, et tecum
Ascanius filius meus ad cenam veniat. Et afferat secum munera que
regine per se offerat—id est, cicladem auro gemmisque rigentem, coronam
10 ex auro et gemmis quam nobis Helena regina donaverat, vel monile [hoc
est, adflotitario(?)] quod Andromache dederat. Et dum cum istis omni-
bus huc veneritis, Ascanius filius meus reginam adoret, et per se ei
munera offerat.’ Achates vero, iussis Enee obediens, ad navem perrexit.

Hoc dum Venus agnosceret, ad Cupidinem filium suum ait ut se una
15 nocte in figura Ascanii filii Enee immutaret, et ipse per se munera que
Ascanius offerre habuit Didoni offerret, dum per osculum ei amorem Enee
iniceret. Cupido vero iussis matris sue obedivit, quem sic deprecata est,
dicens: ‘Nate, mee vires et mea magna potentia solus, ad te confugio et [[18-19]]
supplex tua numina posco. Cognosce Eneam fratrem tuum a Didone
20 amari. Merito te peto ut transfigures te in faciem nepotis tui Ascanii,
et Didoni per te munera offeras; et cum te in gremio acceperit letissima[[21-22]]
Dido, incendas reginam atque sibi implices ignes.’ Cupido vero, ut supe- [[22]]
rius dictum est, iussioni matris sue obedivit et per se munera Didoni
obtulit, et eam amore Enee per medullam serpivit. Et dicere habes:
25 quando Cupido se in faciem Ascanii transfiguravit, ubinam Ascanius fuit?
Respondendum est: Venus Ascanio in navi soporem immisit, atque eum

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 33 ]] 
in ipso sopore tulit, et in Idalio monte, ubi diversa aromata Veneris fue-
runt, constituit.

Merito Achates Cupidinem in persona Ascanii in navi invenit. Cui
sic ait: ‘Pater tuus mandavit ut munera tecum portes et per te regine
offeras.’ Cupido vero in persona Ascanii munera tulit et ad reginam5
una cum Achate perrexit; et dum reginam cum muneribus adoraret, eum
regina in gremio suo levavit. Et dum eum osculata fuisset, per osculum
amore sagittata est, et cepit cenam protrahere atque Eneam de casu
Troie requirere, volens se de persona eius satiare, sicut Virgilius descripsit:
Conticuere omnes intentique ora tenebant. Inde toro pater Eneas sic10
orsus ab alto: ‘Infandum regina iubes renovare dolorem, Troianas ut
opes et lamentabile regnum eruerint Danai, queque ipse miserrima vidi,
et quorum pars magna fui. Quis talia fando Myrmidonum Dolopumve
aut duri milis Ulixi temperet a lacrimis? Et iam nox humida celo pre-
cipitat suadentque cadentia sydera sompnos. Sed si tantus amor ca-
susque15 velis cognoscere nostros et breviter Troie supremum audire labo-
rem, quamquam animus meminisse horret, incipiam.’ Et antequam ad
cenam introirent, iussit Dido ad naves Enee epulas multas dirigere, vi-
ginti tauros ingentes, centum terga suum, centum cum matribus agnos;
letitiaque magna fuit. Quid multa? Dum cena perfecta fuisset, leva- 20
verunt se omnes amici, et ‘vale’ regine dixerunt. Et dum amici discede-
rent, petiit Dido Eneam ut iterato sibi utrique fialas propinarent, sicut [[23-24]]
Virgilius descripsit: Postquam prima quies epulis, menseque remote,
pateras constituunt et vina coronant. Et Iovem deprecati sunt ut amo-
rem ceptum perficerent. In qua cena fuerunt in ministerio Didonis25
centum famule ornate auro et gemmis [id est, quinquaginta], que domum [[26]]
omnem regiam aromatibus fumigabant. Quid multa?

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 34 ]] 

Dum cena perfecta fuisset, sibi utrique valedixerunt. Et post disces-
sum Enee cepit Dido tota nocte amore uri; et sompnum non vidit, sicut
scriptum est: Uritur infelix Dido tota<m>que bachatur per urbem fu- [[3-4]]
rens, quomodo cerva sagittata veneno, [et] tam diu uritur quam diu
5 se in fontibus exfrigidet. Ita Dido urebatur, atque Annam sororem
suam, virginem sacram, sic alloquebatur, dicens: ‘Anna soror, que me [[6-7]]
tanta insomnia terrent? Unde Troianus iste ad litora nostra devolutus
fuisset, nimio amore eius sauciata sum.’ Et dum ista geruntur, luxit
dies; et iterato Eneam alio die ad epulas petiit, et plus cepit amore
10 eius uri.

Et dum ista geruntur, Iuno contrarium habuit ut Eneas Didonem
acciperet uxorem, et cepit iunctioni Enee obviare. Hoc Venus cum
agnosceret, Iovem deprecata est ut Iunonem peteret ut condiceret iunc-
tionem eorum firmari, sicut scriptum est: Panditur interea domus omnipotentis [[14-15]]
15 Olimphi consiliumque vocat divum pater atque hominum rex.
Et dum consilium omnium deorum convocaret, Iunonem petiit ut permit-
teret ut iuncti fuissent. Cui Iuno obediens concessit, et Veneri dixit:
‘Habes tota que mente tua petisti.’ Cui Venus sic ait: ‘Quomodo ipsa
coniunctio poterit celebrari?’ Iuno respondit: ‘Ego faciam ut utrique
20 ad venationem exeant. Et dum in silvis venantur, erit necesse ut nives
et grandines immittam; et dum a vi grandinis fugiunt, in unam spelun-
cam fugientes veniant, et ibi se coniungant. Illic himeneus erit.’ Non [[22-23]]
acerba petenti. Quid multa? Luxit alia dies ut impleretur dictum
Iunonis. Dido ad Enean mandavit ut utrique ad venationem exirent,
25 et utrique ad venationem exierunt. In tali cultu Dido exivit: in Arpalice
vestita [veste virili calcas in pedibus, ciclade induta, fibulam habens,

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 35 ]] 
alte cincta; atque vittam ex auro et gemmis super comam capitis sui
constrinxit. Similiter et Eneas zaban indutus, galea cristata, in Martem
una cum Ascanio filio suo et cum Didone exierunt. Et dum in silvam
venerunt, optant aprum aut leonem de monte descendere. Et dum
venantur, subito secundum dictum Iunonis nubes facta est. De qua nube5
cepit grando venire. Hec videns, Dido se in speluncam recepit. Eneas
vero nesciens remeando etiam ipse in eandem speluncam receptus est,
ubi Didonem inveniens cum ea concubuit, et utrique se in amorem suum
satiaverunt. Ecce qualiter Dido Enee coniuncta est! Etiam non potuit
Dido furtivum celare amorem; extemplo Libie magna fit fama per urbes,10
fama malum qua non aliud velocius ullum (mobilitate viget, viresque
adquirit eundo), que se ad nubila tulit. Quid multa?

Ipsa fama de coniunctione Didonis et Enee ad regem magnum Iarbam
pervenit. Et audito hoc erexit ad sidera palmas, et se ante aras centum
quas Iovi condiderat in facie prostravit; et Iovem tali voce deprecabatur,15
dicens: ‘Iupiter omnipotens, cui nunc Maurusia pictis gens epulata thoris [[16-17]]
Leneum libat honorem, ad te confugio et supplex tua numina posco. [[17]]
Audis, genitor qui fulmina torques, ut Dido connubia nostra despexerit,
cui nos solum ut maneret concessimus; atque Eneam advenam in regno
recepit.’ Audit omnipotens, et oculos suos ad menia torsit. Et ad se20
Quillenium [id est, Mercurium] vocat, quem sic alloquitur atque talia
mandat: ‘Vade age, nate, voca tibi Zephiros; Dardaniumque ducem, [[22]]
Tirie Cartaginis qui nunc arces locat, sic alloquere, atque celerius perferes[[23]]
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 36 ]] 
mea dicta per auras. Et dic ei: “Credo quia sic tibi fata censuerunt ut
regnum Italie obtineres, non solum tu sed et nati natorum et qui nascuntur
ab illis. Et posuisti te in amorem mulieris, et dimisisti regnum tibi
devotum; sed si te tantus habet amor mulieris, vel Ascanium filium tuum
5 permitte ut regnum sibi devotum obtineat.” ’ Hec dum Iupiter Mercu-
rio dixisset, Mercurius in acra Cartaginis venit, et Enee singula superius
dicta narravit. Cui primo Eneas non obedivit, deinde secundo admoni-
tus neglexit. Tertia vero vice inter ipsum et Didonem odia excitavit,
ut diceret Didoni: ‘Dimittere te vult Eneas et ducere se.’ Et Enee dixit:
10 ‘Noli habere fidem Didoni quia cogitat de nece tua, quia varia et mu-
tabilis semper femina est.’ Et dum ista geruntur, ceperunt se non inte-
gre amare. Et cepit eum Dido increpare, dicens: ‘Credo quia te maritum
suscepi et semper amavi, atque populo tuo benefeci et in regno meo cum
populo meo commiscui; et tu me vis dimittere.’ Cui Eneas fincte dicebat [[14-15]]
15 non se eam dimissurum. Quid multa? Eneas occulte sociis suis man-
davit ut naves in mare mitterent atque necessarias epulas in navibus
imponerent. Quid multa? Dum naves iam preparate fuissent a sociis
suis, ei nuntiatum est omnia iam preparata fuisse; et per noctem Dido-
nem in lecto dormientem dimisit, et occulte ad naves ascendit, et spatam
20 suam ad caput lecti dimisit. Et dum naves ascenderet, navigare cepit.
Quid multa?

Illuxit dies, et Dido experrecta in alto se collocavit. Et dum naves
Enee exsuperantes iam in longinquo videret, reversa ad lectum suum,
Annam sororem suam alloquitur, dicens: ‘Vade ad templum Iunonis et
25 consule si Eneas ad nos revertetur.’ Et dum Anna ad templum pergeret,
respiciens Dido vidit spatam Enee ad caput lecti sui pendere. Dolore
nimio ducta, sic lamentari cepit: ‘Vixi, et quem dederat cursum fortuna
peregi, et nunc magna mei sub terras ibit imago. Urbem preclaram[[28]]
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 37 ]] 
statui, mea menia vidi. Hoc viro penas inimico a fratre recepi. Felix,
eu nimium felix, si litora tantum Dardanie numquam tetigissent nostra
carine.’ Dixerat, atque illam mediam inter talia ferro conlapsam aspi- [[3-8]]
ciunt comites, ensemque cruore spumantem sparsasque manus. It cla-
mor ad alta atria, cum ipsa bachatur fama per urbem. Lamentis gemi-
tuque5 et femineo ululatu tecta fremunt; resonat magnis clamoribus ether.
Non sic, nisi quod immissis hostibus, resonaret omnis Carthago aut
antiqua Thiro<s>. Quid plura? Dum Anna soror eius ab ea ad tem-
plum descenderet, se Dido spata Enee interfecit. Quam Anna soror
eius, ut consuetudo antiquorum habuit, incendit, et cinerem eius in10
Liburno litrino iuxta cinerem Sichei mariti sui posuit.

Eneas vero navigans ad Siciliam iterato devolutus est. Ubi veniens
ad tumulum patris sui perrexit, et ei cum magna gratulatione anniversarium
celebravit. Et exinde navigans, ad Italiam venit. Et primo ad
Hostiam civitatem que iuxta portum urbis est iunxit. Ibi de navibus15
descendens urbem introivit; et dum eam circuiret, vidit extra urbem
aggerem lapideum, super quem castra construere iussit, ubi omnes divi-
tias suas vel sociorum suorum sub tuitione includeret nec non et ubi

Et dum castra edificantur, Eneas sub castra super ora Tiburini fluminis20
sub opaca se iactavit. Et dum sub opaca iaceret, cives eiusdem civitatis
ad eum accedentes dixerunt: ‘Domine rex,’ inquit, ‘de qua provincia es
tu, vel que ratio fecit te huc ad nostram urbem venire?’ Quibus Eneas
respondit: ‘Ego sum Eneas, Veneris et Anchise filius, civis Troianus,
gener quondam Priami regis Troianorum; et dum Troia civitas nostra a25
Grecis expugnaretur et periret, admonitus ex precepto deorum quia hic

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 38 ]] 
mihi regnum devotum est, de Troia post excidium eius cum viginti navi-
bus vel cum sociis quos mecum videtis exivi. Et huc ad vos secundum
preceptum deorum perrexi. Et iracundia Iunonis faciente, in mare per
septem annos iactatus sum. Deinde tempestate nimia cogente, ad
5 Cartaginem iactatus sum, ubi a Didone regina, que ipsam urbem condidit,
susceptus sum. Que Dido amore incensa se mihi in matrimonium con-
iunxit. Et dum cum ea apud Cartaginem essem, nuntio deorum admo-
nitus sum ut eam dimitterem et huc ad Italiam pro regno percipiendo
perexirem. Et quia preceptum deorum contempnere non potui, memoratam
10 Didonem dimisi et huc ad vos perveni.’ Cui cives responderunt:
Quomodo hic regnum poteris habere, quando Latinus rex noster est,
Fauni regis filius, nepos Pici regis? Qui Picus filius fuit Saturni. Et
iste Latinus rex noster, super exercitum magnum quem habere videtur,
iunxit sibi etiam generum nomine Turnum Dauni regis filium. Qui
15 Turnus cum exercitu magno pro Lavinia filia eius, ut eam in coniugio
accipiat, ad eum venit; et iam duplex factus est exercitus. Quomodo eis
poteris prevalere ut regnum obtineas et ipsos de regno pellas?’ Et cum
hec dixissent, discesserunt.

Eneas vero dum ista a civibus Hostiensibus audiret, in eodem loco
20 super ora Tiberini fluminis cor eius conturbari cepit. Et dum tribulatur,
se ei sopor immisit, et in ipso sopore numen eiusdem fluminis per som-
nium eum alloquitur, dicens: ‘Noli conturbari a dictis que tibi cives huius
civitatis dixerunt. Quia regnum tibi promissum non poteris obtinere
noli cogitare; regnum enim obtinebis, et Laviniam filiam Latini regis in
25 coniugio accipies. Sed ne hoc vanum putes, ego huius Tiberini fluminis
numen sum qui tecum loquor. Sed vade et constitue Ascanium filium
tuum in hac munitione, et dimitte cum eo armatos viros; et ascende per
me hic ad Evandrum regem, qui in septem montibus sedes habere videtur,
quia hic Evander inimicitias habet cum Latino rege. Sed quia parvulus
30 est in populo, merito ei non prevalet, et querit sibi auxilium qualiter cum

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 39 ]] 
eo dimicare possit. Ergo iunge te cum eo, et necesse est ut ambo contra
eum dimicetis. Et ut dictis meis credas, cum ceperis navigare, admedi-
ato itinere invenies super ora fluminis sub arbore ilicis suem albam iacen- [[3-5]]
tem—triginta capitum fetus enixa, alba solo recubans, albi circum ubera
nati. Hic locus urbis est.’ Et dicere habes: qui fuerunt septem montes5
ubi Evander regnabat, vel qui fuit tipus porce que triginta porcellos
generaverat? Respondendum est: septem montes ubi Evander fuit—
id est Aventinus, Tarpeius, Vaticanus, Iacolens, vel alii tres—ipsi sunt
ubi post multos annos Roma a Romulo de Ilia matre nato condita est.
Porca vero que triginta filios procreavit tipum ostendit ubi Albana civitas10
condita est. Merito Albana cognominata est, quia ubi porca ei apparuit, [[11-13]]
ibi Albana a Postumo Silvio filio Enee de Lavinia nato post mortem Enee
condita est. Et Albana ab alba porca nomen accepit.

Redeamus ad causam. Eneas vero, dum a numine fluminis visitatus
fuisset, ad castra introivit, et Ascanium filium suum vel omnes socios15
suos fortissimos viros ad se vocari iussit. Quos allocutus est, dicens:
‘Commendo vobis castra vel Ascanium filium meum necnon et omnes divi-
tias quas nobiscum portamus, ne hostes subripiant et omnes a nobis
diripiant; quia ego ad Evandrum regem pro auxilio ab eo petendo iturus
sum.’ Et dum filium vel socios alloqueretur, navem ascendit. Assumpsit
20 secum aliquos de suis fortissimos viros et per Tiberinum fluvium ad
Evandrum regem navigare cepit. Qui dum navigaret, admediato itinere
navigii invenit sub arbore ilicis suem cum triginta filiis et de ea sacrificium
obtulit; et signum in eodem loco posuit ut appareret ubi postea Albana
civitas condi deberet. Quid multa? Dum ad sedes Evandri Eneas25
veniret, vise sunt naves eius venire. Illi vero, videntes naves quas non

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 40 ]] 
cognoverunt, pavore ducti armaverunt se et contra Eneam armati occur-
rerunt. Quos dum Eneas armatos videret, de nave ipse ramum olive
levavit, ostendens se pacatum venire. Hoc dum videret Pallas filius
Evandri Enee obvius venit et veneranter eum de nave suscepit; et dum
5 de nave descenderet, ad Evandrum venit. Qui Evander eadem die cum
omni populo suo sacrificium Herculi obtulerat et diem solemnem cele-
brabat. Illa de causa, quia Cacus filius Vulcani [qui] armenta, dum
adviveret, in ipsis montibus devastabat, et eadem die contigit ut eum
Hercules occideret, propter quod monstro et devastatore ipsa provincia
10 caruerat, natalis per singulos annos ibidem in Aventino monte, ubi nunc
Roma condita est, Herculi celebrabatur. Et contigit ut, sicut superius
dictum est, Eneas eadem die ibidem venit et sic invenit Evandrum regem
cum omni populo suo natalem Herculi celebrantem; quem digne suscepit,
et eum ad epulum petiit. Cui sic Eneas ait: ‘Me meumque obieci caput,
15 et supplex ad limina veni; hoc est, non ad te legatos direxi sed per me
veni, ut mihi auxilium prestes contra Latinum regem Laurentine urbis
vel Turnum, quem sibi generum invenit; quia ex admonitione deorum
huc devolutus sum, qui hoc me admonuerunt ut regnum huius provincie
accipiam et Laviniam filiam Latini in coniugio habeam. Et dum hic in
20 Hostia civitate cum meis venirem, per somnium a Tiberino flumine
commonitus sum ut huc ad te pergam et a te auxilium petam, quia dictum
est mihi etiam te cum eo inimicitiam habere. Merito peto ut nos utrique
coniungamus et contra inimicos dimicemus.’ Evander vero Enee dixit:
‘Iube ut epulas consumemus; et hinc ad sedes meas pergamus, et ibi de
25 eis que postulas ordinabimus.’ Quid multa? Dum epulas perficerent,
sic Evander cum omni populo suo ad sedes suas se recepit. Cum quo
etiam Eneas comitatus est.

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 41 ]] 

Et cum ad sedes Evander veniret et more fuissent de exercitu Enee
dando, Iuno, quia Enee inimicabatur ut nosset coram Eneam sibi auxilium
contra Turnum ab Evandro petere, ad Turnum Allecto furiam misit.
Cui sic ait: ‘Posuisti te apud Laurentinam civitatem luxiare inter mu-
lieres; et ecce Eneas Troianus venit, et vult te de regno expellere et5
Laviniam sponsam tuam a te separare et sibi coniungere. Qui Eneas
filium suum Ascanium apud Hostiam civitatem cum paucis viris armatis
dimisit, et ipse ad Evandrum regem ad petenda contra te auxilia perexivit.
Ergo modo vade celerius; duc tecum exercitum et ad Hostiam perge, et
ipso absente filium eius cum omnibus quos secum habere videtur interfice,10
ne, dum hoc lentaveris, incipias sponsam tuam perdere et de regno exire.
’ Quid multa? Turnus admonitus a Iunone se armavit et parato exercitu
ad filium Enee perrexit.

Et dum ibi veniret, castra ubi filius Enee fuit cum exercitu circumdedit.
Et cepit filius Enee a Turno conturbari; et dum iam vellet manus dare15

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 42 ]] 
et se Turno tradere, quidam adolescentes, duo amici (id est, Nisus et
Eurialus), Ascanio filio Enee dixerunt: ‘Noli tam cito festinare te tradere;
sed quid nobis daturus eris, si nos per hostes in nocte interrumpimus et
post patrem tuum ad Evandrum pergimus, ut cum exercitu superveniat
5 et nos de manu hostium liberet?’ Ascanius vero, ut audivit dicta Nisi
et Euriali, eos cum lacrimis precari cepit, ut, si hoc quod locuti sunt
perficerent, sibi eos fratres faceret et regnum inter se dividerent atque
munera magna eis daret. Et dum hec Ascanius promitteret, patere eis
oblate sunt; et se utrique, dum biberent, per sacramenta constrinxerunt
10 omnia superius memorata se impleturos. Quid multa?

Dum biberent Ascanio valefecerunt, postea vero matribus suis, et nocte
silente per muros depositi sunt. Qui dum de muro descenderent, se
utrique allocuti sunt, dicentes debere se ad papilionem Turni dirigere et
in somnum eum interficere. Et dum hec dixissent, consilium utrique
15 placuit, et se per medios hostes miserunt; et ceperunt ad papilionem Turni
velle pervenire, quia talis fuit in hostibus sopor ut etiam equi eorum solo
strati iacerent et nemo fuit qui expergisceretur. Et dum ad papilionem
Turni tendunt, venerunt ad papilionem Ramnetis auguris Turni qui ei
futura pronuntiabat; et dum ad papilionem venerunt, vident eum cultu
20 regali fuisse ornatum; estimantes esse ipsum papilionem Turni, super
Ramnetem introierunt et invenerunt eum somno vinoque sepultum
iacentem in tapetis regalibus nudo pectore, et eum gladio interfecerunt.
Et tulerunt arma eius—id est, scutum auro gemmisque rigentem, galeam
similiter necnon et vaginam eius vel hastas. Et iam remeantes gaudio
25 pleni putantes se Turnum occidisse, ceperunt in transitu suo per papi-
liones quantoscumque potuerunt interficere; et dum iam luciferum oriri
viderent, sibi invicem dixerunt: ‘Exeamus hinc quia lux inimica propin- [[27-28]]
quat.’ Ramnes vero, qui futura pronuntiabat, sibi mortem futuram
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 43 ]] 
videre non potuit, sicut scriptum est: Non potuit augurio depellere pes- [[1-2]]
tem. Nisus vero et Eurialus, dum multos interficerent, de papilionibus
exierunt; et dum iter tendunt post Eneam, se de armis Ramnetis orna-
verunt, et cepit contra lunam galea dimicare, quia tales gemmas ipsa
galea habuit que contra lunam dimicarent. Et dum iter intendunt,5
contigit ut Vulcens comes Latini regis cum trecentis scutariis post Tur-
num a Latino directis transiret, sicut scriptum est: Ecce equites properant
ab urbe Latina, tercentum scutati omnes Vulcente magistro. Et dum [[8]]
Nisus et Eurialus strepitum venientium sentirent, se de via inter spissa
silvarum tulerunt. Illi vero venientes viderunt galeas et scuta contra10
lunam dimicare. Voce magna clamaverunt: ‘Heu,’ inquit, ‘iuvenes, qui [[11-12]]
estis, aut quo tenditis iter?’ Illi vero eis nullum responsum dederunt.
Vulcens vero cum sociis, dum nullum ab eis responsum audiret, ceperunt
in equos eos sagittare et eos fibraverunt. Nisus vero inter spissa silve
eis de manu exivit, et dum se liberum videret, lunam vel omnia sidera15
deprecatus est, dicens: ‘O Latina, dea omnium siderum, peto a te ut
hasta mea quam sub eventu iactavero non cadat vacua in terram sed
cum vulnere hostium cadat.’ Et dum hastam iactaret, occidit unum.
Iterato alium misit et secundum elidit. Tertia vero vice ipsum Vulcen-
tem comitem vulneravit. Et dum ista contingerent, ceperunt plus in20
Eurialo exardescere et eum velle interficere. Eurialus vero, ut se vidit
ab hostibus comprimi, cepit magna voce clamare: ‘Nise, bone frater et
amice, subveni.’ Nisus vero, ut sensit Eurialum amicum suum ab hosti-
bus opprimi, dolens mortem amici [is qui iam evaserat], maluit cum
amico suo occidi, seque hostibus obtulit, dicens: ‘Me me, assum qui feci;25
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 44 ]] 
in me convertite ferrum, o Rutili! Mea fraus omnis; iste nec ausus nec [[1-2]]
aliquid potuit.’ Et dum hec dixisset, se hostibus moriturum obtulit.
Et dum ambo ab hostibus caperentur, interfecti sunt, et capit aeorum
in hastis posuerunt. Et sic ad Turnum prima luce venerunt. Ubi
5 venientes luctus magnos in papilionibus de morte Ramnetis vel aliorum
invenerunt, et satis inter se musitabant quisnam ausus esset temerarie
in papilionibus introire et talia committere. Et dum ista disputantur,
Vulcens, ut superius dictum est, cum capitibus eorum qui ista commiserant
venit, et dixit: ‘Ecce hii sunt qui istud facinus commiserunt.’ Et
10 dum hoc Turnus videret, ipsa capita in hasta secum portans, ad castra
Enee venit. Et dum illis capita Nisi et Euriali ostenderet, nuntius ad
matres eorum pervenit. Que dum audissent, cum magna lamentatione
se per muros proiecerunt et mortue sunt. Quid plura?

Turnus vero cepit ad castra validissime pugnare. Et dum Ascanius
15 castra turbata videret, voluit se tradere. Et dum ista gererentur, ecce
Eneas cum exercitu quem Evander rex dederat supervenit. Et filius
eius, videns patrem cum auxilio in navibus venisse, dimisso castro cum
exercitu suo ei obvius occurrit. Et Turnus nolebat eum dimittere de
navibus descendere. Sed quia Eneas exercitum recentem ducebat et
20 Turnus iam pugnando debilis fuit, Eneas victor existit. Turnus vero
fugiens ab Enea ad Laurentinam civitatem, ubi Latinus rex socer eius
fuit, se contulit. Eneas vero de post commissionem pugne vel de post
navigium se paucis diebus posuit, cum quo etiam Pallas filius Evandri
regis fuit. Qui Evander cum exercitu filium suum Enee dederat; qui

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 45 ]] 
Pallas nedum in expeditione exierat, quia puerulus erat et unicus patri.
Et dum eum Enee daret, eum cum magnis lacrimis, presente matre,
commendaverat ut eum arma doceret; et sic cum Enea exivit, et cum eo
in exercitatione esse cepit.

Turnus vero dum ad Latinum socerum venisset, facto consilio ceperunt5
cogitare ut sibi auxilia peterent. Et petierunt sibi Mezentium; qui
Mezentius contemptor divum appellatus est, quia cruentator fuit et tales [[7]]
penas hominibus inferebat ut, quicumque apud eum culpabilis invenie-
batur, tale ei supplicium inferebat ut aperiretur tumulus hominis mortui
qui recens mortuus fuerat et corpus eius vermibus ebulliens fetebat. Et10
super ipsum cadaver ligatum hominem vivum imponebat, et sic eum de
cooperculo sarcofagi cooperiebat et plumbabat. Et ibi quicumque fuit
malam mortem faciebat. Ecce qualia supplicia Mezentius hominibus
inferebat; et insuper in prelio non de deo sed de virtute dextere sue
presumebat, ut diceret: ‘Dextera mihi deus est et telum quod missile15
libro.’ Et quod de dextera sua vel de gladio suo presumebat et non de
deo, merito contemptor divum appellatus est. Qui Mezentius petitus
cum filio suo Lauso vel cum mille viris armatis electis in auxilio ad
Latinum venit. Etiam Camillaregina Amazonum cum exercitu suo
magno Latino petita in auxilium venit. Quid multa?20

Eneas, post quod paucis diebus quievit, se armavit et illuc ad civitatem
Laurentinam perrexit. Cui Turnus una cum Mezentio vel Camilla
regina obvius venit et cepit pugna acerba exerceri; in qua pugna Pallas
filius Evandri, quem sibi Eneas in auxilium petierat, a Turno occisus
est. Quem Turnus expoliavit et brachialem eius tulit, et se eo cinxit25
cepitque plus pugna invalescere. Eneas vero tulit corpus Pallantis et
eum diligenter condidit et in papilione suo habuit. Et dum pugnatur,
etiam Camilla regina occisa est ab Arronte. Iste Arrons qui eam occidit

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 46 ]] 
de populo fuit Turni, et quando vidit Camillam multa prelia facere, dixit:
Feminis et non nobis virtus habet assignari.’ Et surrepticie in loco
occulto eam percussit et occidit. Et quia ista Camilla a Diana dea silve
de lacte equarum nutrita fuerat, dolens Diana a morte eius Arontem qui
5 eam occiderat de arcu suo fulmine sagittavit, et Arons percussus a Diana
mortuus est. Quid multa?

Dum iam campi ossibus humanis albescerent vel terra sanguine humano
satiata fuisset, Iuno, videns partem Turni debilem esse, volens eum de
morte liberare, se in cultu Enee transfiguravit et se obviam in cultu Enee
10 Turno ostendit et cepit contra eum velle dimicare. Turnus vero cepit
artificiose velle pugnare. Iuno vero, ut vidit Turnum pronum esse, cepit
terga dare et se ab ante Turno ac veluti fugiens tollere. Turnus vero,
ut vidit Iunonem in similitudinem Enee fugere, cepit eum persequi et
eum de pugna expectante populo eiecit, tamquam Eneam fugientem
15 persequebatur. Quid multa? De pugna ad mare tamquam fugiens eum
duxit. Qui dum ad mare venirent, Iuno per fantasiam navem suborna-
vit in qua ascendit tamquam Eneam captivasset. Qui dum Turnus in
nave ascenderet, Iuno se ei in figura sua ostendit. Cui sic ait: ‘Ego, [[18-24]]
volens te de morte liberare, merito me in figuram Enee mutavi ut te de
20 pugna eruerem. Ergo vade ad patrem tuum et ulterius noli ad istam
terram venire, quia sic fata censuerunt Enee victoriam imminere, et reg-
num Italie obtinere, necnon et Laviniam in coniugio accipere. Ergo perge
ad regnum Drauni patris tui, et obtine eum et aliam tibi quere uxorem;
et vide ne ad istam pugnam revertaris et malam mortem hic facias.’ Et
25 cum hec dixisset ei, ventos prosperos excitavit qui eum ad patrem suum
perducerent; quod et factum est.

Et dum ad patrem suum pervenit, Eneas vero, ut sensit Turnum de
pugna fuisse eiectum et non comparuisse, cepit in pugna invalescere; et
se ei Mezentius pro Turno ad dimicandum obtulit. Quem Eneas in ilio

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 47 ]] 
de hasta subcodavit; et dum [vulnus] acciperet Mezentius, se de pugna
eruit, et ad flumen perrexit volens plagam qua ab Enea plagatus fuerat
in fluvio lavare. Et dum ad flumen venit, sub arbore quercus se armis
expoliavit, et in arbore quercus suspendit, et cepit plagam suam lavare.
Post discessum vero Mezentii, Lausus filius eius, volens iniuriam patris5
sui vindicare, Enee pugnaturum se obtulit. Cui Eneas ait: ‘Quo, peri-
ture, vadis; et audes contra me manum levare?’ Et cum hec dixisset,
Eneas eum de hasta percussit et cecidit, et mortuus est. Quem dum
Eneas cecidisse viderat, dolens mortem iuvenis †cui mox floribus declara-
bat lanugo†, sociis eius ait: ‘Tollite hoc corpus et matri perducite ut a10
bestiis tale corpus non devoretur.’ Quem socii tollentes ad matrem
pergere ceperunt. Et ita provenit ut ubi se pater eius fovebat trans-
issent. Quos Mezentius a longe videns, †presens mala mens cor eius [[13-14]]
indicavit†, quia mortem filii eius portabant. Qui, dum ad eum mors filii
eius portaretur, eum cum magno dolore planxit et ad matrem eius misit.15
Ipse vero, dolore filii ductus, plagas suas de farina calcavit et iterato
arma induit, et ad Eneam sicut canis rabidus iam moriturus venit. Et [[17-19]]
sibi imputare cepit, atque equum suum sic alloquitur, ut, si cum capite
Enee veniret, torquem auream equo suo imponeret. Quid multa? Ad
Eneam venit, sedens equum suum oneratis manibus iaculis acutis; contra20
quem Eneas ad pedem obvius venit. Et ceperunt utrique expectante
exercitu artificiose ut duo artifices pugnare, sicut duo in prelio tauri.
Quid multa? Dum artificiose utrique pugnant, Eneas hastam iactavit
et fronti equi Mezentii inseruit. Equus vero, ut hastam in fronte accepit,

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 48 ]] 
cepit colaphos et calces doloribus iactare et Mezentium dominum suum
desuper necare. Et sic etiam ipse cecidit. Eneas vero, ut vidit Mezen-
tium de equo cecidisse, super eum calcavit. Cui sic ait: ‘Ubi nunc [[3-4]]
Mezentius acer?’ Mezentius vero, ut se vidit sub Enea iacere, deprecatus
5 est ut permitteret corpus eius ad uxorem suam tolli et iuxta filium suum
poni. Et dum eum deprecaretur, Eneas eum de hasta in pectore fixit
et interfecit, et arma expoliavit et se arma eius induit.

Et cepit Eneas iam triumphare quod Turnum et Mezentium qui au-
daces fuerunt caruerit. Et cepit cogitare qualiter Laurentinam civitatem
10 adiret et Laviniam sibi iungeret. Et dum ista disputaret, sociis suis ait:
Quia hostibus caruimus, eamus ad papiliones et corpus Pallantis eius
parentibus dirigamus.’ Remeante vero Enea ad papiliones, occiso Me-
zentio, corpus Pallantis filii Evandri parentibus direxit in loculo vimeneo,
cum eo etiam centum viros prudentes qui parentes eius consolarentur, [[14]]
15 necnon et omnem predam quam fecerat ante corpus eius. Et dum corpus
Pallantis ad parentes eius veniret, obviam ei parentes cum omni familia
sparsis crinibus occurrerunt. Et lamentatio ingens in domo Evandri
facta est. Quid multa? Eneas, postquam corpus Pallantis parentibus
direxit, omnes suos admonuit, dicens ut se prepararent ad Laurentinam
20 civitatem ubi Latinus fuit producere ut eam intrarent et regnum obti-

Et dum ista geruntur, amor Lavinie in cor Turni in domo patris sui,
ubi eum, ut superius dictum est, Iuno eruens de pugna produxerat, in-
troiit. Et non sufferens amorem intra se cogitans ad semetipsum ait:
25Et perdere habeo Laviniam sponsam meam quam per multos annos
desponsavi?’ Et dum hec cogitat, inscio Drauno patre suo, furore
acceptus, iterato ad Latinum socerum suum properat; ubi venientem
iterato, licet nolens, eum Latinus suscepit, increpans eum et dicens: ‘Sunt

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 49 ]] 
tibi regna patris tui, sunt oppida; revertere ad regnum patris tui, quia [[1]]
dii nolunt ut filiam meam in matrimonio habeas.’ Cui Turnus sic re-
spondit: †‘Cur primam gerens an optime precor ut. . . .’† Dum Turnus [[3]]
susceptus fuisset, consilium in regno Latini factum est et ordinatum est
ut legatos ad Diomedem regem Tracie pro petendo auxilio dirigerent.5
Et electus est Venulus; et dum Venulus ad Diomedem veniret, ab eo
auxilium petiit. Diomedes sic respondit: ‘Contra quos pugnatis?’ Ve-
nulus dixit: ‘Contra Eneam Troianum.’ Diomedes dixit: ‘Non do auxi-
lium, quia bellum inimicum fortissima cum gente deorum geritis. Ego
novi qualis fuit Eneas dum ad Troiam pugnaremus. Duo ibi magni10
fuerunt, Hector et Eneas; si tertium similem habuerant, Troia non de-
strueretur. Ergo auxilium non do, sed querite vobis remedium qualiter
cum eis pacificetis.’

Et dum adhuc Venulus a Diomede rege necdum reversus fuisset, La-
tinus cum regulis suis consilium fecit, dicens: ‘Quam diu Venulus ad nos15
revertatur, mandemus ad Eneam legatos in quo ab eo duodecim dies
pacem petamus, ut omnes seu nostri seu sui ad campum exeant et corpora
suorum agnita recolligant.’ Et placuit consilium regis, et electi sunt
centum viri magni prudentes ducentes secum quod Enee offerrent—
centum equos albos cum sellis aureis et frenis; inter quos centum viros20
fuit quidam vir elegans Drances nomine. Et dum ad Eneam venerunt,
ei dixerunt: ‘Rex noster Latinus nos direxit ut iubeas concedere bissenos
dies quatenus corpora que in campis deiecta sunt colligantur.’ Quos
Eneas digne suscepit et ab eis munera que ducebant accepit, et duodecim
dies quos petierant ut pax esset concessit. Tamen sic ipsis legatis re- 25
spondit: ‘Audite, viri. Non forte mea voluntate huc ad vestram terram
pugnare veni; sed admonitus ex precepto deorum, quia mihi regnum

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 50 ]] 
imminivit, merito hic veni. Sed vellem vobis unum consilium dicere ut
diceretis regi vestro: “Quid prodest ut se exercitus qui remansit vexet?
Videtis campos ossibus hominis albuisse vel terram sanguine humano
fuisse satiatam. Sed ego et Turnus exeamus unus ad unum, et nos duo
5 tum pugnemus; et qui parem suum deiecerit regnum obtineat, et eum
omnis exercitus sequatur.” ’ Et cum hec legatis Eneas dixisset, omnibus
propositio Enee placuit, et dimisit eos. Et reversi sunt legati ad Latinum
regem, et in consistorio sedes collocata est. Et dum rex in sede sua
resedisset, vel omnes, et ista legati retulissent, ecce subito mulieres de
10 civitate Laurentina pro agnoscendis corporibus suorum ad campum
exierunt; et dum corpora iacentia in campo viderent, solutis crinibus in
ululatum magnum omnes se dederunt. Et dum ululatus magnus sonuis-
set, rex vel omnes qui cum eo erant, audientes voces per fenestras domus
regie, campos inspicere ceperunt, et dolor magnus in corde omnium introiit.
15 Tunc Drances unus de legatis qui ad Eneam fuerant sic erupit:
‘O domine rex, vides campos ossibus humanis albuisse, et nichil tibi
exercitus remansit. Quare non cogitas quid fieri debet? Nam vellem,
si permissum rex dederit, unam conditionem proponere ut exiguus qui
remansit non similiter pereat. Exeat Turnus contra Eneam et unus ad
20 unum pugnet et nullus de exercitu cum eis sit. Et qui victor inventus
fuerit, ipse Laviniam filiam tuam in coniugio accipiat, necnon et ipsum
omnis exercitus sequatur.’ Et dum hec Drances dixisset, et Turnus
econtra turbatus vultu sic respondit: ‘Et hoc vobis videtur, quia solus
ego pro regno Laurentino potero morti subiacere ut vos vivatis? Non
25 ita fiet, sed omnes ad dimicandum contra inimicos nostros exeamus.’ Et
Drances contra sic locutus est, dicens: ‘Et ut Turno contingat Lavinia [[26-27]]
coniunx, nos anime viles.’ Quid multa?

Dum ista conflictio ante Latinum regem fieret, subito nuntiatum est

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 51 ]] 
Venulum, legatum ad Diomedem quem direxerant pro auxilio petendo,
venisse. Qui nuntium Diomedis Latino regi attulit, in quo se denegavit
auxilium contra gentem Troianorum non dare, quia viri fortes sunt, et
de gente deorum, et nullus contra eos poterit dimicare. Et dum ista
Venulus in conspectu regis vel omnium regulorum suorum in consistorio5
nuntiasset, virtus Latini regis vel omnium suorum in sensu defecit; et sic
utrique dixerunt: ‘Alia arma Latino paranda erunt.’ Quid multa?

Dum duodecim dies pacis quod secum pepigerant expleti fuissent,
tertiadecima die luciscente ante solis ortum Eneas cum omnibus suis se
armavit, et ad civitatem Laurentinam, ubi Latinus rex pater Lavinie10
regnabat, produxit; et ad muros scalas ponere cepit, qualiter urbem
ingredi potuisset. Et dum ista Eneas preparat, Turnus contra Eneam
obvius cum exercitu foris ab urbe exivit; et utrique se deficientes iterato
Turnus urbem petiit, et Eneas ad papiliones suos reversus est. Et dum
ista geruntur, tumultatio in regno Latini apud ipsum Latinum ab exercitu15
nata est. In quo sic mussitabant, dicentes non debere pro una virgine
filia regis tantos exercitus perire, sed debere istos duos qui pro ea pugnant
secum dimicare: et qui victor extitisset, ipse eam in matrimonio acciperet.
Et dum ista inter se tumultuarentur, hoc consilium inventum est, ut Enee
mandaretur ut secum ipse et Turnus unus ad unum pugnarent. Quod20
et factum est. Et dum ad Eneam nuntius venisset ut secum utrique,
ipse et Turnus, dimicarent, Eneas concessit. Et diem constituerunt ut
ad sacramentum ad aras primo ibi presente Latino occurrerent, ut si quis
victor extitisset, dimisso exercitu quem sibi in auxilium petierant, pro-
priam sibi vindicarent. Et diem utrique constituerunt ut sibi iurarent.25
Quid multa?

Venit dies statutus; et sacerdotes admoniti aras composuerunt et de
lauro coronaverunt et hostias pro sacrificio preparaverunt. Et dum
singula parata fuissent, exivit Latinus rex de civitate coronam ex auro
et gemmis in capite gestans, in quadriga sedens; necnon et Turnus zaba30

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 52 ]] 
deaurata indutus, galea<m> ex auro et gemmis in capite habens, hastam
in manu portans, necnon et spatam armi iuclo gestans cum talaribus
aureis vel calcis in pedibus, etiam ipse in quadriga fluens exivit. Quibus
Eneas de papilionibus suis obvius ad iurandum venit. Et dum ad aras
5 utrique accederent, primus Eneas sic iurare cepit, dicens: ‘Esto mihi nunc
Sol testis et tu mihi Terra precanti penes quam tantos et tales potui ferre
labores.’ Qui dum iuraret, sic ore proprio prorupit, dicens: ‘Si me viceris,
auxilium quod mihi petivi dimitte[s] ad regem suum reverti et meos
proprios tibi vindica[s]. Sed si ego victor fuero, similiter faciam.’

10Et dum sibi utrique iurarent, contigit ut in ipso iure volucres immunde
et innumerabiles (id est, vultures, aquile, vel corvi et milui) involuti
super eos excubias facerent. Hoc dum Ioturna soror Turni vidisset,
Turnum ad perfidias excitavit ut sibi in ipsa iura perfidaret. Cui Ioturna
soror eius ait: ‘Adhuc stas! <Vid>es pestes aves que tibi victoriam pronuntiant.
15 Eneam cum sociis suis devorare ostendunt. Mitte te et
bellum excita.’ Hoc dum Ioturna fratri suo dixisset, erecta hasta Eneam [[16-17]]
incautum in femore percussit. Hoc videns, Eneas semivivus, asta in
femore inserta, de ara fugiens ad exercitum suum pervenit. Et dum se
de hasta exuere vellet, lignum haste vix excutere potuit, nam ferrum in
20 femore eius remansit. Et dum medici sui ad eum applicuissent, non
valuerunt medici de eo ferrum excludere. Et Eneas pro hac causa ad
periculum pervenit, ut testamentum fecisset. Et dum filius eius Ascanius
vel omnes sui tribularentur, Venus mater eius venit et cepit herbam que
dicitur diptamum in silvis requirere; qua reperta malaginavit et super
25 vulnus posuit, et continuo ferrum haste quod intra vulnera fuit excecidit.
Et iam cepit Eneas curari et ad sanitatem pervenit. Qui dum perfecte
obtinuisset sanitatem, iterato armavit se <et> cum suis ad Laurentinam
civitatem venit, et Turno mandavit ut contra eum ad dimicandum exiret.

Et dum civitatem obsedit, contigit ut consilium deorum fieret. Et
30 venerunt omnes dii ad Iovem; et quia Iuno inimica fuit Enee vel sociis
eius, cepit pro Turno suscipere, necnon et Ioturna soror eius, quia in
numero deorum propter quod Iupiter eam stupraverat facta fuit. Et
iam ipsa pro fratre suo suscipiebat. Et dum contentio inter Iunonem et
Venerem matrem Enee ante Iovem facta fuisset, Iupiter, videns eas con-
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 53 ]] 
Fata venire mandavit; que dum venirent, eis Iupiter dixit ut
Eneam et Turnum perpenderent, cui victoria immineret. Et Fata
utrumque perpenderunt et invenerunt Enee victoriam vel regnum immi-
nere, non solum ipsi sed et nati<s> natorum et qui nascuntur ab illis.
Et dum hec Fata responderent, Iupiter ad se Iunonem venire iussit.5
Cui dixit: ‘Vides Fata respondisse inter Eneam et Turnum, et inventa
est Enee victoria et regnum imminere. Ergo a[m]moveatur a te et a
Venere contentio, et tollite patrocinia vestra ab utrisque, et quod Fata
statuerunt hoc sit stabile.’ Et cum hec dixisset, Iuno et Venus ad
concordiam pervenerunt. Et Iuno patrocinia Turni tulit. Hoc dum10
Ioturna soror eius vidisset, etiam ipsa cepit contra voluntatem deorum
non posse venire, et se etiam ipsa a fratre suo Turno tulit; et cepit iam
Turnus desertus a diis esse.

Et dum ista geruntur, ut superius dictum est, Eneas dum muros
Laurentine civitatis obsideret, et ei mandatum est ut diem constituerent15
quando secum ipse et Turnus mon<om>achia pugnarent, et diem inter
se constituerunt. Et quia Amata uxor Latini mater Lavinie vel ipsa
Lavinia in amorem Turni fuerant prone cotidianis diebus . . . quam diu
die statuta ad dimicandum contra se exirent. Et Turnus ornavit se in
cultu Martis, et armatus ad Amatam socrum suam introiit ut pro eo deos20
rogaret ut ei victoriam condonarent. Et dum cum socru sua loquitur,
cepit ei socrus flere et Turno dicere: ‘Timeo, fili, ne aliquid tibi proveniat,
quia in te omnis domus inclinata recumbit. Quod si tibi aliquid prove- [[23]]
nerit, iam ego non vivo.’

Et dum hec secum utrique loquuntur, cortina subducta est, et apparuit25
Lavinia virgo ornata ex auro et gemmis. Quam dum Turnus videret,
ardet in arma magis figitque in virgine vultum; et cepit sic socrui sue [[27]]
dicere: ‘Ipsum tenuit mater, et me non ego ei ostendo quia cum iuvene [[28-29]]
dimicaturus est.’ Et dum ista dicuntur, ecce Idmos nuntius venit, [[29]]
dicens: ‘Eneas mandavit ut exeas contra eum ad dimicandum.’ Et30
Turnus respondit, dicens: ‘Dic Enee: “Non tua me, Enea, turbant dicta, [[31-32]]
sed dii terrent et Iupiter hostis.” ’ Quid multa? Dum colloquium ipse
et socrus sua finirent, valedicens ei ad dimicandum exivit. Et dum a
socru sua exiret, continuo socrus sua ad omnes senatrices, tunc plebes,
que intra urbem Laurentinam fuerant mandavit ut omnes se ante Minervam35

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 54 ]] 
prosternerent et deprecarentur pro Turno, ut ei victoriam daret.
Quid plura? Ipsa regina cum Lavinia filia sua vel cum omnibus ad
templum Minerve venerunt. Et ante aras solutis crinibus se prostrave-
runt, et ceperunt Minervam deprecari ut Turno victoriam daret. Turnus
5 dum portas civitatis in curru[m] exivit, omnis populus Laurentine civitatis
super muros se collegit ad spectaculum pugne eorum.

Eneas vero, ut vidit Turnum solum contra eum exire, etiam ipse solus
de papilionibus suis obvius exivit. Et ceperunt ad se properare sicut
duo in prelio tauri. Turnus vero, dum contra Eneam occurreret, aspexit
10 et vidit limitem in agro positum. Quem non poterant movere duodecim
iuvenes, ipse eum de una manu cepit; et dum ad Eneam veniret, ipse eum [[12]]
iactavit. Eneas vero lapidem except[r]avit, sicut Virgilius scripsit: [[13-14]]
Limes erat agro positus litem ut discerneret arvis, quem vix bis sene
manus raptu<m> tenebant, qualia nunc producit corpora tellus. Turnus
15 manu raptum post Eneam iactavit, et, sicut superius dictum est, ipsum
lapidem Eneas except[r]avit. Eneas erecta hasta post Turnum impetum
fecit, et hastam post eum iactavit et sub poplite Turno dedit. Et erigens [[17]]
ad sidera palmas, voce magna Eneam deprecatus est, dicens: ‘Vicisti, [[18-19]]
vicisti; et victum tendere palmas. Tua est Lavinia coniunx. Utere
20 sorte tua. Drauni,’ inquit, ‘miserere senecte; fuit tibi talis pater An-
chises.’ Etiam Eneas proximus fuit ei misereri; sed dum eum Turnus [[19-21]]
deprecabatur, vidit Eneas brachialem Pallantis filii Evandri, quem sibi
Eneas in auxilium petierat, et eum Turnus occidit; brachialem eius [[22]]
cingebatur. Et dolore ductus ad Turnum dixit: ‘Poteram te patri tuo
25 vivum dimittere; sed quia adhuc tiranide letaris de spoliis mortuorum,
merito dolor Pallantis cuius brachi<a>lem cingeris te occidit.’ Et hec
dicens, ponens pedem super pectus eum de hasta sub mamilla percussit.
Amata vero uxor Latini regis, dum videret Turnum occisum fuisse, dolore
ducta se per muros precipitem iactavit et mortua est. Quid multa?

30Cives vero Laurentine civitatis vel ipse Latinus rex, dum Eneam
victorem viderent, cum magno triumpho ei portas aperuerunt, et in

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 55 ]] 
regno Eneas susceptus est; et Laviniam in coniugio accepit et cum Latino
socero suo fuit. Post mortem vero Latini Eneas regnum suscepit et
urbem Laviniam condidit. Et dum ad fluvium de equo descenderet, ex
precepto deorum appellatus est. Quibus Eneas tribus annis regnavit.
Post cuius obitum Ascanius filius Enee regnum suscepit, et derelicta urbe 5
Laurentina in Lavinia, quam pater suus condiderat, regnum obtinuit.
Et dum ibi regnaret, Lavinia noverca eius, metuens Ascanium filiastrum
suum, de Laurentina urbe patris sui in fugam versa est et in silvis occulte
habitare cepit. Et quia Eneas eam pregnantem dimiserat, in silvis natus
est de ea Postumus; et adhuc Ascanio regnante, qui viginti duo annis10
regnavit, Postumus frater eius de Lavinia natus, adolevit. Qui dum
adolevisset, Albanam urbem condidit ut impleretur quod antea Enee
pronuntiatum fuerat de alba porca que ei in Tiberino fluvio cum triginta
filiis apparuerat, quia in eodem loco Albana civitas condebatur. Quod
et factum est. Quid multa?15

Dum Postumus Albanum condidit, eam civibus decoravit et ibidem
una cum Lavinia matre sua habitare cepit. Ascanius vero, completis in
regno viginti duo annis, obiit, et post eum Iulus filius eius regnum obti-
nere voluit. Sed veniente ad eum Postumo cum Albanis vicit et regnum
Albanum inchoavit, et Laurentinum regnum finitum est. Ubi primus20
Postumus Silvius, filius Enee de Lavinia natus, regnavit; et Iulus filius
Ascanii apud Lavinium privatizare cepit. Quid multa? Post Postu-
mum diversi reges apud Albanum regnare ceperunt. Que civitas quad-
ringentis triginta annis regnavit; et dum iam ad ultimum regnum veniret,
Procax Troiane gloria gentis apud Albanum regnare cepit. Qui in regno25
suo duos filios procreavit—id est, Amulium et Numitorem. Et dum
Procax obisset, testamentum suum duobus filiis suis Amulio et Numitori

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 56 ]] 
sic dereliquit ut unus pecunia potitus alter regnum obtinuisset. Amulius
fratri suo Numitori electionem dedit, quid desideraret, pecuniam aut
regnum. Numitor vero pecunia delectatus est, quod et tulit, et Amulius
regnum obtinuit. Qui dum regnum obtineret, consuluit; et responsum
5 est ei quia a stirpe Numitoris fratris sui occideretur et regnum perderet.

Et contigit ut Numitori fratri eius duo filii nascerentur—id est, Sergestus
et Rea que et Ilia. Et dum adolevissent et Amulius rex filios fratris
sui adolescere videret, metuens responsum, filium fratris sui Sergestum
ad venationem secum duxit et eum in silva occidit. De Rea vero que et
10 Ilia hoc consilium invenit ut nullus de stirpe fratris sui esset. Eam ad
eum templum dedit ut virgo vestalis esset et filium non procrearet, ut
nemo esset de stirpe fratris eius qui eum, sicuti ei responsum fuerat,
occideret. Et dum in templo Rea que et Ilia serviret, Mars bellipotens
in amorem Ilie irruit et eam stupravit. In quo stupro concepit, et nati
15 sunt ex ea Romulus conditor urbis Rome et Remus frater eius. Hoc
dum Amulius rex patruus eius cognosceret, ipsos infantes geminos tulit
et in fluvio precipitari mandavit. Qui pueri ex providentia divina inter
gramina super ora fluminis ceciderunt et ceperunt balare. Lupa vero,
veniens ad fluvium pro aqua bibenda, agnovit filios domini sui Martis
20 et eis ubera prebuit. (Quia lupa in tutela Martis condita est, merito
hoc fabula iactitat, lupa<m Remum et Romulum uberibus suis nutrisse.)
Inde postea a Faustulo pastore qui fuit in septem montibus collecti sunt;
et Acce uxori sue eos nutriendos dedit. Que Acca uxor Faustuli de
lupanari levata fuerat.

25Qui pueri dum adolevissent, scientes unde nati fuerant, septem montes
obtinuerunt et ceperunt sibi manum vagorum iuvenum colligere, et facta

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 57 ]] 
est manus non minima cum eis. Hoc dum Amulius rex audisset, exercitum
ad eos produxit; et in ipsa productione Amulius a Romulo occisus
est, ut impleretur quod ei responsum fuerat, quia de stirpe fratris sui
occideretur. Amulio vero occiso, Romulus Numitorem avum suum in
regno Albanorum erexit, et ipse in Aventino monte Romam fundavit.5
Et dum eam fundaret, ceperunt de uxoribus cogitare qualiter acciperent,
et dixerunt quia nemo eis dabat. Et inito consilio circumdederunt et
civitatem dedicare ceperunt. Ad cuius dedicationem Sabinienses cum
uxoribus et filiis suis petierunt. Et dum ibi introissent, filias Sabinorum
rapuerunt et sibi eas iunxerunt. Hoc videntes Sabinienses bellum adversus10
eos excitaverunt. Illi vero per legatos eis mandaverunt ut com-
pleto anno ad se utrique perducerent; quod et factum est. Et intra anni
metas omnibus filii nati sunt, et dum dies statuta venisset, ad se utrique
produxerunt. Romulus vero, congregans ad se omnes suos, sic eos
allocutus est, dicens ut omnes infantes ante aciem proicerent; quod et15
factum est. Sabinienses vero, dum ad eos venirent, viderunt infantes
ante aciem in terra iacentes balare. Dolore ducti quia nepotes eorum
fuerant, pacem cum eis confirmaverunt; et se utrique commiscuerunt,
et sibi Romulum regem levaverunt. Ecce qualiter Roma condita est vel
populus Romanus crevit!20

Romulo vero a diis rapto, eum Romani deum fecerunt. Post cuius
obitum suscepit regnum Numa Populius, et post ipsum diversi reges
regnare ceperunt usque ad primum imperatorem Cesarem Augustum,
qui Cesar Augustus regnavit annis quinquaginta et septem. Quadragesimo
secundo anno regni eius Christus natus est. Post Cesarem Tiberius25
regnum suscepit. Octavo decimo anno regni eius Christus passus est.
Readeamus ad causam. Post mortem vero Numitoris apud Albanum
regnum finitum est, et ad Romanos translatum est; et cepit Albana civitas
Rome subiecta esse. Explicit Excidium Troie.



 1  INCIPIT EXCIDIUM TROIAE] om. Ra Incipit liber exitium Troye Ri ∣ Tetis (et alibi) Ra

 2  Nereitarum L Nereydarum (et alibi) Ra ∣ eleta Ri ∣ abes L

 4  Ita (et alibi) L Ydai Ra Idam Ri

 5  Nereite L ∣ Idai Ra ∣ insula L

 7  et merito L ∣ iactat Ri ∣ Nereidees L

 8  numerum L

 9  Iuppiter (et alibi) L ∣ amavit Ra ∣ eum L ∣ iungere Ri

 10  quod sibi eum non iungeret Ri ∣ coniungeret Ra ∣ ut si L Ri ∣ quid Ra

 11  pelleret] pelset Ri ∣ Peledi L

 12  cuidam om. Ra ∣ ei om. Ri

 13  et Neptunus Ri

 14  muscarum Ra ∣ deos L ∣ Mercurium L ∣ Discordia] L deest ad p. 5, l. 25

 16  vocitata Ra ∣ Hec] Hoc Ri ∣ quo malo Ri

 17  Pulcriori (et alibi) Ri

 18  volventes Ri ∣ simul omnes Ri

 19  inter eas om. Ra

 20  intenderent] viderent Ri

 21  Iovem om. Ra

 22  in ambiguo om. Ra

 23  illarum Ra earum Ra1

 25  Ideum] eum Ri ∣ super] sub Ra ∣ Troya (et alibi) Ri

 27  habet Ri ∣ aut] et Ri ∣iustus iudex Ri

 28  et de Ri

 1  Heccuba Ri

 2  sompnium Ri ∣ flamma post que add. Ra

 3  quae nunc visio talis Ri

 4  quis] quid Ra

 7  montibus prohicerent Ri

 8  esset fuisset Ra

 10  eius] suus Ra tum] tamen Ri

 11  pastores alios Ra

 12  thaurus Ri

 15  adaptavit Ra

 18  supasse Ri

 19  et quod Ri

 20  conibuit Ra ∣ oppinio Ri

 21  ipsum] eum Ri ∣ quesuit Ra

 24  aureum om. Ri ∣ offerturent Ra

 26  comperendinavit Ra procrastinavit Ra1 competenter ordinavit Ri Quia dum] Qui cum Ri ∣ iudicium delatum Ra dilatum iudicium Ri

 27  vincas] unicas Ri

 28  multum Ra ∣ Primo Ri

 29  consencio ut arma tua Ri

 31  promissum ei] per promissum eius Ri ∣ Secedens Ri

 32  eundem] eum Ra Et ipsa iam] Etiam ipsa ei Ri ∣ dupplicare Ri

 1  ut ei Ri ∣ pareret Ra

 2  conubii Ri ∣ appellatur- pugne om. Ri

 3  dea morum et pagne Ra dea armorum et pugne Oldfather (Speculum, XI, 274)

 4  blacteo Ra balth’o regal Ri blatteo Oldfather loc. cit. ∣ nuda glossam ind. Oldfather loc. cit. ∣ palleum Ri

 6  Que] Cui Ri ∣ pulcriorem me uxorem Ri

 8  etatem Ri

 9  statutus Ra

 10  veniretur Ra

 11  vel] et Ri exierunt] dixerunt Ra ∣ exciderat animo ante manet add. Ri

 12  repostum Ri invisum] inusum Ri

 13  raptiganis medis Ri

 11-13  Aen. i, 26-28

 14  iracundiam excitaret dearum Ri ∣ impleretur Ri

 16  et om. Ri ∣ abiudicate om. Ri ∣ discessissent Ra

 17  pro -fuerat] cum iudicatum fue erat Ri

 18  Paridis Ri ∣ eius coniugio Ri

 21  innuere Ra imminere Ra1 inminari Ri

 22  vero eius Ri

 23  Cui sic-26 revocare om. Ri

 25  Quem] L rursus incipit

 26  cum eodem-descendit] Tandem cum eodem ad spectaculum circi ad Troyam descendit Ri

 28  conplentes sexto emisso L complexante se et misso Ri campestriarii] campratiarii L capraciarii Ri

 1  casam] domum Ri ∣ Pares (et alibi) L

 2  se] audaciam Ri

 3  dum] cum Ri

 4  oboediens L

 5  iuventute] virtute Ra iuventute Ra1 ∣ arena L Ra1 campestriariis] camprantiariis L capratiariis Ri

 6  demicavit L ∣ descendentes L descendentibus Ri

 7  campestriariis] camprantiarii L capraciariis Ri ∣ iuventuli Ra iuvenculis Ri qui-8 accepit] quod et armenta currebant cum quibus cucurrit et ipsos vicit et coronam accepit Ri

 10  et ipsos etiam Ri

 11  eos post populi Ri ∣ agonem] agmen L Ri

 12  eius nece Ri

 13  vomitoria] lomitria Ri

 14  eo Ri ∣ Hoc nutritor eius dum Ri

 15  iactabat Ra iactavit Ra1

 16  Miserere om. Ri ∣ Rex meus Ri

 17  o om. L ∣ amovite L

 18  cognovit Ri

 19  esset] esse Ra est Ri ∣ eius] suus Ri ∣ suggesserat L

 20  sompno Ri

 21  hoc regina manifestaret Ri

 22  perrexerunt L Ri ∣ filio om. Ra ∣ a om. Ri

 23  regia Ri ∣ Et dum hoc Ri ∣ et om. Ri imminere] immuniri Ri

 24  ne] nec Ri secundum] sed unde Ri ∣ ante a matre eius per somnium visum fuerat Ra

 25  sompnum Ri ∣ Hoc autem Ri ∣ perferreretur L

 26  tamen] tam L ∣ noster fortis non interficitur L

 27  cum] dum Ra iuniores] minores Ri

 28  eis om. L Ra

 29  dabit mihi Ri

 1  cottidie (et alibi) L

 2  conceditur] concidi L procedit Ri

 3  extediretur L ∣ apud eum om. Ra

 5  eorum pater L

 6  Hector et L ∣ qui et Alexander post Paride add. Ri

 7  Hesionis L Esione Ra Essione Ri ∣ quam tempore L ∣ Laudomedontis L Laumedontis Ri ∣ regis -Grecis om. Ri ∣ patri L ∣ a Grecis om. Ra

 8  captivata] facta Ri

 10  ametam L ∣ huc om. et sororem meam add. Ri ∣ inde liberate Ra

 12  naves dari Ra ∣ exercitu parare que et preparate sunt L ∣ et ut Ri ∣ ut iussionem—14 sunt om. L

 15  in navibus cum exercitu Ri ∣ ad Greciam om. Ri

 16  regnabat L Ra ∣ Agamenon (et alibi) Ri ∣ fratres post Menelaus add. Ri

 17  nimis L ∣ Helena L ∣ Lede post Helenam add. RaAlteram Helenam post quam add. Ri

 18  cigri Ri ∣ adamavit Ra ∣ concipit L ∣ concepto L

 19  vel] et Ra

 20  advenisset Ra ∣ contingit Ri

 21  regnabat L

 22  gestatum L gestatim Ri

 23  familia sua L

 24  ita] id L Ra ∣ descenderent L

 25  Et quia Ri ∣ Veneri L

 26  Helena regina Ri

 27  Et om. L Ra

 28  nuntius L ∣ ad eum dicens Ri ∣ aliquo ornamento L

 29  in venalibus] iuvenilibus Ri ∣ posset Ri ∣ ipse om. Ri ∣ econtra Ra

 1  regina L ∣ amori L ∣ recomemoratus Ri ∣ est om. L

 2  promissio Ri ∣ ipsa Ri ∣ nuntio L Paris nuntiis Ra nuntius vero Ri respondit] om. Ra supple ait Ra1

 3  talem L

 5  remisit] revocavit L Ra portabant] haberent L

 6  deferrerent L adferrent Ri ∣ Tunc Paris mutato Ri

 7  ostendit Ra

 8  tante talique L iuventutis] virginis Ri ∣ ei om. Ri

 9  secrete Ri

 10  amori L accensa] sauciata L ∣ Cui om. Ri

 11  assum] ego sum L Sed ne -isto] Sed deposui regale ornamentum ne agnitus fuissem et dignitate regis exposita de isto L ∣ regium Ri ∣ exposui de isto Ra

 13  illa] ille Ra ∣ Ille dixit om. Ra ∣ regis Priami Ri

 14  te ratio fecit] ratio te venit Ri nostram] meam Ri

 15  Monitio] ammonitu Ri ∣ qui mihi sic L quia sic mihi Ri

 16  hinc Ri Vellem -duceres] Si velis etiam me hinc uxorem ducere poteris L

 17  me -duceres] me accipere in uxorem et me hinc uxorem duxeris Ri ∣ fiere L

 19  Nam ego L Nam et ego Ra ∣ mea mortuus possidet L

 20  uxorem om. L Ra ∣ morior L Ra

 21  hoc om. L ∣ domo tua Ri

 22  thesauro L vel] et Ri

 23  ornamentis meis L ∣ exeam L ∣ tu cum navi ad maris ora Ri

 24  placuit Ra

 25  descendente L

 26  vocare Ra ∣ quibus Ra ∣ ita om. Ri

 27  thensaurum L thesaurum Ra ∣ constituta L

 28  et om. L Ra ∣ navi Ri

 1  thesauro L vel] vel omnibus L et Ri ∣ suis om. Ri ∣ navem L descendit] pervenit Ri

 2  Et om. L Ra ∣ ante L

 3  eum Ri ∣ celebratus Ri

 4  totam] omnem Ri ∣ regina Ri ∣ a filio Ri

 5  fuisse eiectam] suis se eiectam L Ra fugisse ei et tam Ri

 6  provenit Ra

 7  urbem suam Ri

 8  et decem] vel decem L

 9  eis] ei L ∣ Pariden L

 10  quod inter eas iudicaverat post aurei add. Ri ∣ impleatur Ra ∣ eius de Paride Ra

 12  pervenit Ri

 14  fratribus] parentibus Ri

 15  vero om. Ri ∣ cum om. Ri

 16  obsiderunt Ra

 17  cum consulerent Ra ∣ quidnam facturum esset et responsum Ri

 18  Tetides L ∣ possit Troia adiri L possint Troyam adire Ri

 19  Achillis (et alibi) L

 20  Licemedis (et alibi) L Ligomedis (et alibi) Ra parthenos] pasthenos Ra parchimos Ri ∣ Didamia L Didemiam Ra Didamiam Ra1 Diademiam Ri

 21  secrete habitabatur Ri ∣ Odisseus et Diomedes regibus dixerunt: ‘Nos ad eum proveniemus.’ Quod et factum est. ante Odisseus add. L ∣ Odisseus vero L Ri ∣ Dyomedis Ri

 22  vel armis—legatorum om. Ri

 23  ac] hac L ∣ Agamemnonem L

 24  Melaus (et alibi) Ra Menlaus Ri

 26  Tractamus L ∣ ille Ri

 27  deferimus Ri ut] et L Ra

 28  vobis] nobis Ri

 29  scuto et Ri

 1  et archum et sagittas Ri ∣ regis om. Ra ∣ sic compreceptum Ra

 2  similitudine L

 3  eorum MSS ∣ similitudine L ∣ illia Ri

 6  sagitta L

 7  qua L ∣ digito Ra repercutiens] repertimeus Ri ∣ Et om. Ra

 8  tuba L Ri ∣ audiret L videret Ri

 9  asta L Ri ∣ manu tenens Ri ∣ calcem Ri

 10  que L quam Ra ∣ caliga L Ri ∣ eius om. Ra

 11  exivit L Ri exuit Ri1 Iusserunt te] Petunt et L

 13  Troya Ri ∣ poterit Troiam adhiri L ∣ Hec L

 14  et de ea] unde Ra ∣ postea om. Ri ∣ Pyrrum L Pirrum Ra Pirum Ri

 15  se om. Ri

 16  Quem L

 17  nehabeo negaretur L ∣ neglegeretur Ri

 18  honorifice post Menelaus Ri

 19  ab Agamemnon et Menelaus susceptus est L ∣ cepit om. L Ra ∣ eo Ra ∣ exercito L

 20  obsedere ceperunt L exobsidere Ri

 22  fuit filius Ri

 23  tenens] L deest ad p. 13, l. 1 ∣ inferorum Ri

 24  stigie nuncupantur Ri ∣ ferrum eum Ri

 25  potest Ra

 26  tetigaret Ri constellationem] constillat Iovem eius Ra

 28  puer om. Ra

 29  laudior Ra

 2  quia -tractare om. Ri

 3  cadit Ra

 4  cultum Ri Licomedis] Nichomedis Ra

 5  disciplinas ei Ri

 6  cum om. Ri

 7  cum om. Ri

 9  filius a Licomede regis Ri

 11  Priami om. Ra

 12  petiit monarchiam ut cum Achille pugnaret Ri

 13  Breseida Ra

 14  murum Ri ∣ iunxerat Ri

 15  sublata Ra subtulta Ra1 exuta Ri

 17  nimio amici perculsus petiit Ra

 18  ad post se om. Ri

 19  primo Ri

 20  petente silea Ra Pentasilea Ri ∣ Amazanarum Ri

 21  ipsa Ri ∣ mamillam Ri

 22  quadam exanime Ra qua dum exanimis Ra1 qua iam ipse Ri Memnone] Agamemnone Ri ∣ theupe filio et Ra

 23  in om. Ri

 24  fuerunt Ra

 26  super eum om. Ra

 27  Eas (Eace Ra1) et Aiace Dedamonio Ra Eas dias et Telamonio Ri armis exui] om. Ri exarmari Ri2

 28  et ante ad add. Ra corpus] corus Ri

 29  doloribus Ra om. Ri talaribus Oldfather (p. 276) ∣ murum Ri

 30  vel] et Ri ∣ necnon om. Ri ∣ Polixene virgini Ri

 1  collantes Ri

 3  deposita] debere reposita Ri ∣ auro Ra ∣ pensare Ri

 4  eius om. Ri ∣ foris Ri

 5  ex ante alia om. Ri ∣ parte om. Ri

 6  omne om. Ra

 7  corpori Ri ∣ Polixena vero Ri ∣ vel brachialias Ra ∣ suos Ri

 10  mihi dederitis Ri ∣ uxorem om. Ri

 11  corpus -sepelivit] corpus filii sui accepit Ra

 12  dum] cum Ri

 13  rege -eius] rege et Heccuba matre Ri

 14  dolorere Ra ∣ ante iuventutem Ri ∣ nec om. Ri

 15  nullus hominum manus Ri ∣ secreta Ri ∣ partem om. Ri

 16  prevenire] aperire Ri

 17  vindicata] judicata Ra ∣ et meliore Ra meliori Ri ∣ equali Ri

 19  a ferro] ferrum Ri

 20  Et om. Ra de] a Ri

 21  cariabent Ra ∣ in talo nervi Ra om. Ri ∣ a om. Ri

 22  id est in talo add. post poterat Ri ∣ Hec Ra ∣ suis om. Ra

 23  qui] et Ra ∣ templo Ra Templum Ra1

 24  et] ut Ri ∣ offerrent Ri

 25  assensum Ri

 26  erat] fuit Ra

 27  templis veniebat Ri

 28  hoc etiam] et hoc Ri

 29  iret arma exposuit Ra ∣ et ante nuda add. Ri

 30  Appollinis Ri

 1  post] L rursus incipit ∣ statua L

 2  sagitta venenum toxecatus fuerat L sagittam venenum toxiacaverat Ra

 3  Achillem venenum L Ri ∣ acceptus sentiret L accepisse sentiret Ra

 4  tiriones Ra ticiones Ri ∣ templum Ri

 5  Eas] Emis Ri

 6  Aias et L Aiax et Ra ∣ amici eiusdem Ri

 7  Et eis] Etenim Ra ∣ corpus eius L ∣ ab urbe foras Ra

 9  Nuntiatum est] Nuntiato L Nuntiatur Ri ∣ Menelai L ∣ fuisset L ∣ nimium Ra

 10  merito templum Ra

 11  stirpe L ∣ deiceretur] adiretur Ri

 12  ut] et L ∣ Diademia super rasura L2

 14  sui om. Ra

 15  cogitare cepit Ra ∣ sui om. Ra ∣ possit L

 17  Melaus Ra

 18  qualiter Troia adiri possit om. Ra ∣ adire posset Ri dea] illa Ra dea sic Ri ∣ ut om. L Ri ∣ debere Ri ∣ preparari L

 19  se ac Ri a] ab Ra de Ri

 20  ad] et ad Ra

 21  Troiam L in Troia Ri

 22  audiente Ra ∣ respondit et responso Ri

 24-26  Est in conspectu Tenedos, notissima fama / Insula, dives opum Priami dum regna manebant, / Nunc tantum sinus statio male fida carinis add. marg. super. Ra1

 24  notissima fama om. L Ra

 24-26  Aen. ii, 21-23

 25  manerent L Ra nunc] punc Ra ∣ nunc tantum sinus et om. L add. L2 om. Ra sinus] finis Ri

 26  et in Ri ∣ sino L se loco Ra

 27  et om. L Ra ∣ ab eis om. Ri

 1  in] apud Ri ∣ lucis centedie Ra ∣ die om. Ri ∣ Troiani cives Ri

 2  vel] et Ri ∣ fuerunt L Ra

 3  putantes om. Ra ∣ carerent L caruerant Ri

 4  canere Ri

 4-5  ii, 29-30

 5  solebant Ri

 6  omnia om. Ri vel] et Ri ∣ vel iumenta om. L et add. post muros ∣ palude] padules (et alibi) L

 8  iam om. Ri ∣ remaneret Ri ∣ Palamedis L

 9  Et] qui Ri

 10  Troie L

 11  perducatur Ri

 13  pendace L ∣ per om. Ri ∣ nocte L ∣ in om. L Ri

 15  lucente Ra lucescente Ri

 16  padules L ∣ pendice L

 18  Priamo] Priami Ra ∣ perductus Ra Ri

 19  famam L

 20  rege L facta est ante regem Ri

 21  origine] regione L ∣ tu om. L vel] et Ra tua] vestra L Ra

 23  vellim L ∣ aliquid om. Ra Ri

 24  concepit Ra ∣ eis me non traditis et vobis L

 25  Quod] Qui L Cui Ri ei] ab eis Ri quod] quia Ra Ri

 26  etiam et ipse per L ∣ ipse om. Ra ∣ erectis-28 nefandi] Sustulit exutas vinclis ad sidera palmas. Vos eterni ignes et non violabile vestrum testor numen, ait, vos are ensesque nefandi, quos fugi viteque deum quas hostia gessi [Aen. ii, 153-156] super rasura add. L2

 27  vox Ri ∣ ignis Ra ∣ quos acresesque nefandi Ri

 27-28  ii, 154-155

 1  eum] eundem Ra Ri ∣ de om. Ri

 2  ii, 148-149

 3  a rege] agere Ra

 4  ad Troiam L2 Troye Ri ∣ et Sinon Ri

 6  est om. L Ra

 7  redito L ∣ sic nobis L

 8  et placastis sanguinem virginis L Et] at Ra

 9  redito L vestro -humano] nostro si iterato de sanguine humano non Ri

 10  provinciam vestram reditus Ri

 11  acceperimus L

 12  missa L ∣ sacrificaretur. Hoc dum averterem et recalcitrare vellim cesus sum. Et iam decem diebus tantummodo restabant ut sacrificium de sanguine meo Apollini post Apollini add. L

 13  offeretur om. Ri ∣ sic om. Ri ∣ loco om. Ri

 14  etiam equum Ri

 15  fecerant L ∣ foris fecimus muros Ri ∣ redito L metum] equm Ri

 16  sperit Ra

 17  foris Ri huc] hic Ra om. Ri ad] om. L in Ra

 18  quod] qui L Ra ∣ ad eius tutelam Ri ∣ Troie Ra ∣ mitte Ra

 19  quod] qui L Ri ∣ videtur L perdiderunt Ri

 20  illis illi vim L illos vim Ri ∣ excitet Ri ∣ pelagos dimergant L pelago demergantur Ri

 21  Et hostibus carebitis] om. Ra vos hostes carebitis Ri ∣ Hiis talibus Ra Talibus-22 carine] Talibus insidiis periurique arte Sinonis credita res captique dolis lacrimisque coactis quos neque Tydides nec clarisevus Achilles, non anni dom <uere decem?>, non mille <carine?> [Aen. ii, 195-198] in rasura et in marg. add. L ∣ periurii que Ri

 21-22  ii, 195-198

 22  capta est quam] factum quod Ri

 23  dirigere L

 24  et om. L Ra ∣ diximus L

 25  ad domum regis] a rege Ri vel] vel et Ri

 1   que] quod L que cum eis Ri ∣ complivisset L complevisse Ri ∣ et om. L Ri quem] quod L ∣ fecerunt Ri

 2   de] ad Ri ∣ et eum] ad ubi cum venissent L et ibi eum Ra

 3   foris muro L foris a muris Ri ∣ luceret Ra et om. Ri

 4   providendi equum L pro visione equi Ri

 5   etiam om. Ra

 6   ingrediebatur Ri ∣ populus L

 7   Laucoon-8 cives] Primus ibi ante omnes magna comitante caterva Laocoon ardens summa decurrit ab arce et procul: O miseri, que est tanta insania, cives L

 7-16   ii, 40-56

 8   invasit insania tanta cives Ri ∣ si vos om. L Ri ∣ redditis ad vectos Ri

 9   dolis om. Ri ∣ Sic notus Ulixes post Danaum add. L2 quicquid] quid Ri illud] ullum Ra ∣ certum om. Ri

 10   latet error] leti terror L lateros Ri

 11   Teucri] vere L Ra

 12   ingenti L ilium] chilium Ri

 13   fuerant Ri strepitum dederunt] strepuerunt Ri

 14  insonuere L ∣ dederunt L caverne] caterve Ri ∣ Laucaon (et alibi) Ri

 15   fetore L leva] leu L lesa Ri

 17   cum] om. L dum Ri ∣ dum vellet revocare L

 18   avertere Ri ∣ dicebant L Ri

 19   quod] ut Ri ∣ est Ri

 20   tauro ingente L

 21   suis om. Ra

 22   a om. L ∣ aqua L ∣ uribus L ∣ sanguis L arguens Ri

 23   sibila L Ra atque] ad que L ∣ spumas Ra

 24   Laucoon L Ra ∣ morsibus eos Ri

 25   ipse om. Ri ∣ suis ipse Ri

 26   iam om. Ra

 1  Quia restitit L Qui restat Ra ∣ Troiam Ra ∣ emitteretur L non mittatur Ri

 2  est om. L Ra ∣ et om. L ∣ ei om. L

 3  suis filiis L suis om. Ra

 4  iussit] misit Ra vel] et Ri

 5  intra urbem om. Ri

 6  Et cum L cumque Ri

 7  potuisset] posset et Ri

 8  rotas] portas L ∣ urbe Ri

 9  scripsit L scribit Ra ∣ pandidimus L

 9-11  ii, 234-237

 10  pedibus Ra ∣ lapsis L

 11  scandit L Ri

 13  in] ad L Ra ∣ pro sollemnitate L Ra ∣ qui dono L

 15  factus est Ri sepulta] sopita Ri

 15  ii, 265

 16  sepultam] sopita Ri ∣ iaceret L

 17  dorsum L ∣ inde L Ra

 18  fuerunt inclusi Ra fuerant Ri ∣ Tessandrus iste nepos Ulixis Acglamasto pelique Neoptulimus Magaon Menelalis et Ebleus L ∣ Texandrus Ra ∣ Stenalus Ri

 18-20  ii, 261-264

 19  Achamas Thoas Pelidesque Ri ∣ Pelides.Neobtolimus Ra ∣ Machaon Ri ∣ Ebbleus Ra

 20  circuierunt L

 21  et levati (leuti L) sunt L Ra ∣ Troie Ra

 22  omnes om. Ri ∣ invenirentur L viderent Ri

 23  introiere Ri eam] cum Ra vel] et Ri ∣ incremaverunt L concremaverunt Ri

 24  interfecta] capta Ri

 26  sompnos Ri ∣ necdum ad eos L ∣ hostes ad cum Ra

 1  monitus Ri ∣ descripsit] ait Ri ∣ Ecce mihi-5 Teucrorum] Troya capta: / Ecce mihi ante oculos mestissimus Hector / Visus est adesse mihi largosque effundere fletus, / Squalentem barbam et concretos sanguine crines / Vulneraque illa gerens que circa plurima muros / Accepit patrias. Vel ultro flens ipse videbar / Compellare virum et mestas expromere voces: / ‘O lux Dardanie, spes of fedissima Teucrum, / Que tante tenuere more? quibus Hector ab oris ∣ Expectate venis? ut te post multa tuorum / Funera, post varios hominum urbisque labores / Defessi aspicimus! que causa indigna serenos / Fedavit vultus? aut cur hec vulnera cerno?’ / Ille nichil me querentem vana moratur, / Set graviter gemitus ymo de pectore ducens, / ‘Eu fuge, nate dam, teque hiis,’ ait, ‘eripe flammis. / Hostis habet muros; ruit alto acumine Troya. / Stat patrie Priamoque datum: si Pergama dextra / Defendi possent, etiam hac defensa fuisset. / Sacra suosque tibi commendat Troya penates; / Hos cape fatorum comites, hiis menia quere / Magnaque pererrato statuesque denique ponto.’ [Aen, ii, 270-271, 277-295] Ri

 1-5  ii, 270-273; 277; 289-290

 2  mitissimus L Ra ∣ visus est L Ra ∣ mihi om. Ra

 3  ora tumentium nondum L lora manum nodum Ra manum del., tumentium add. Ra1 ∣ fator L

 4  hostes habens et L ∣ culminem Troie Ra

 6  Dum hec Ri ei] eum L eo Ra om. Ri ∣ loqueretur Ri

 7  sue domus Ri ∣ ascendit auresque iponens Ri

 8  armorum Ra ∣ stuppa L stuppam Ra ∣ segetes L Ra

 9  furno Ri ∣ passos L ∣ manian] sic L Ra maniā Ri ∣ et dum Ri

 10  dum om. Ri ∣ uxor sua eum Ri Cui] eique Ri

 11  arma tuus L

 12  se post multi Ra

 13  etiam fuit et L ∣ Corevius L Coreph Ri

 14  ad] ut L ∣ eum Ri ∣ ut om. L ∣ eum om. Ri ∣ supervenit Ri

 15  dum] cum Ri

 15-16  cf. ii, 370-371

 16  Et -occurrerent] Et sibi in nocte obscura occurraret Ri ∣ obscura L

 17  Enean L

 18  ei L et sic eos Ri ∣ Eu] O L eus Ri

 19  descenditis Ra

 20  suis inimicum] inimicos Ri ∣ sibi om. Ri

 1  eos Ri ∣ ne om. Ri

 2  esse Ri ∣ illos L om. Ri ∣ omnes L Ri

 3  tulerunt Ri

 4  insignis L (insigni)a L2 insigne Ra insignias Ri

 4-6  ii, 389-391

 5  nobis] om. L Ra nobis L2 ∣ Dolus armatus Ra dolosa virtus Ri ∣ ab hoste Ra in hostem Ri ∣ requiret Ra

 7  impigebant L impegebant Ri

 8  videns Ri ∣ a crinibus Ra ad crines Ri ∣ tray immania voce clamantes Ri

 9  et dicentem post clamantem add. L ∣ Corevius L Coreb Ri ∣ Quod dum sponsus eius vocem dixx̄ audisset L At ubi Coreb sponsus illius vocem eius audiens Ri

 9  ii, 407

 10  hostes] omnes Ra ∣ vellens ea eruere se inter hostes L 11 est om. Ri

 13  exercitum L

 14  et] intrare qui Ri ∣ Ypolitum Ri ∣ regis Priami Ri ∣ quatra L Ra

 15  gladium Ri ∣ quam in domum L

 16  laurus Ri

 17  intrata fuisset L hostes intrasse Ri ∣ zabam Ri

 18  aram] arma Ri

 19  Nec] Non Ri ∣ defensionibus L defensoribus Ri ∣ isti L ∣ hoc om. Ri erit] eget Ri

 19-20  ii, 521-522

 20  fuisset defensa Ri ∣ occisus foret Ri

 21  suos] eius L ∣ Pyrrim L

 22  atque ei] ac Ri ∣ Priamum similiter om. L Ra ∣ aram eum L

 23  interficit L Ra ∣ His finis Priami regis deinde Polixena filia (Polixenam filiam Ri) Priami regis quam pater eius Achilles uxorem duxerat post interfecit add. L Ri ∣ sicut Virgilius descripsit om. Ra ∣ Hec] hic Ra Ri ∣ fato rem Ra

 23-26  ii, 554-558

 24  Troia incensa Ra et prolapsa-25 Asie] et tot condenda populis terrisque superbum prolaxa videntem pergama regnatorem Asye Ri ∣ videntur Ra

 25  regnat et remasie Ra

 26  absque] et sine L2 et sinore (nomine om.) Ri ∣ Hec L

 1  Que (Quia Ra) Polixena vero L Ra ∣ idem om. Ri ∣ a om. L Ri add. L2

 3  sui perduxit] superduxit Ri vivam] unam Ri ubi -misit] patris posuit et intrusam misit Ri

 4  plumbum L Templum Ra

 5  mortua est Ri

 6  Eneas-8 ostendit] Agamemnon, iratus Enee ob hoc factum, eo quia Polixenam absconderat, eum a patria protinus discedere iubet. Ipse vero, dum regem interfectum videret, cepit cogitare qualiter se de Troya erueret. Incipit liber Eneydum de itinere suo et quomodo se egit. Eneas, dum Agamemnonis interdictu in civitate ulterius morari non valens, cum domum suam reverteretur, Venus eius mater sibi suo in nomine se ostendit Ri

 7  de Troia se Ra

 8  numine] nomine MSS ∣ fratrem vel Ra patrem tuum et Ri

 9  Iupiter enim dum fata Ri ∣ ei om. Ri ∣ responsum est L

 10  quia te oportebat Ra quia oportebit te Ri ∣ Italie L in Italiam Ri ∣ Et non Ri ∣ te set et natos natorum tuorum Ri

 11  et qui- illis om. Ri ∣ nascuntur L ∣ Cumque hec locuta Ri

 12  non comparuit] ab eius oculis evanuit Ri ∣ Discedente fuit] Eius matre discedente sacerdos quidam Panthus deos aureos portans ei obviavit Ri

 13  ei obviam fuit] et obviam se ei fecit L Cui] qui Ri

 13-14  ii, 293-294

 14  Hos-conde] Hos capes Hector comites hijs moeniam quondam Ri ∣ capere fugam et ubi L

 15  suos cepisset L

 16  suam ante veniens om. Ri ∣ sic allocutus Ri

 17  Quis L Ra quomodo] prout Ri ∣ potest se L

 18  et] atque Ri ∣ ornatum L ∣ que domus mea habere potest L Ra ∣ quod L ∣ possumus Ra

 19  manus inimicorum Ri ∣ Hijsque dictis Ri

 20  scapula sua L scapulis Ri ∣ Tenensque Ri ∣ filii sui manus (Aschanii om.) Ri

 21  coniugem] uxorem Ri ∣ filiam Priami regis om. Ri sic] om. L hoc modo Ri

 22  nos om. Ra Ri de -noctem] domum Ri

 1  templum] domum L foris] longe Ri ∣ in occulto -cupressus om. Ri

 2  cypressina L ∣ Dumque inceptum iter agerent Ri

 3  Et dum ad] Dumque ad Ri ∣ multa turba L maximam turbam Ri

 4  priorum et nobilium Ri ∣ se illuc Ri ∣ divitiis om. Ra

 5  Qui- eius] Hijque Enea viso eius genibus Ri

 6  eum om. Ri ∣ deprecare L

 7  ibi Ra ubicumque Ri ∣ hec dicentes L hec dicens Ra

 8  dux om. Ra ∣ respiceret et L respiciebat et Ra

 9  iterato om. Ri ∣ iter agens ad Ri ∣ clamare ante cepit Ri

 10  magna voce Ra ∣ inquit om. Ri ∣ ita om. L Ra ∣ vociferat Ra

 11  umbra eius ei Ri ∣ Cui] Qui Ri ∣ noli me Ri

 11-17  Cf. ii, 776-789

 12  suo numero Ri

 13  sit futurum Ra

 14  multos tempus L ∣ promissum tibi regnum Ri ∣ alia L inde Ra

 15  Perquire] pro qua re L quare Ri

 16  necnon] filium meum Ri ∣ et om. Ra ∣ eos om. Ri ∣ contristeris Ra Ri

 17  obliviscere L ∣ hoc Ra ∣ volens Eneas amplexari et tenere eam Ri

 18  subito om. Ra

 19  iterato] iter agens Ri

 20  dum om. Ri ∣ venerit L veniens Ri ∣ advocans Ri ∣ allocutus eos L

 21  dicens] O virgo Troyanorum Ri

 23  preceptis Ri ∣ statim om. Ri

 24  posuerunt ubi etiam] navibus collegerunt ubi et Ri ∣ et om. Ra

 25  et om. Ri ∣ familia sua L

 26  de] a Ri ∣ dum iam L

 27  respiciens post se aggeri Troie fumaret Ra ∣ ageris L

 1  vero] om. Ra atque Ri ∣ mare Ri

 2  primos amotraciam L ∣ Samothraciam qui nunc Samandradi vocatur Ri

 3  suis om. Ri sacrificium offerre] sacrificare L

 4  aras Ri ∣ fabricate fuissent Ri

 5  aut] ac Ri ∣ aras coronarentur Ri

 6  spissas L ∣ mirteos L Ra ∣ et quos L ad quos Ra virgas] virgulas Ri

 7  gutte L

 8  dum] cum Ra ∣ evanuit et om. Ri ∣ Eneas cogitare secum Ri

 9  cogitavit Ri ∣ nefas fuisset L nemphas esse Ri ∣ aurem homo L Ra ∣ apponens Ri ∣ ei om. L Ra

 9  iii, 34

 10  sub homo (humo L2) statim L ∣ sepulcrum L Ri

 10-16  iii, 41; 44; 49-51

 11  Nam et L ∣ Polidurus L Polidarius Ri

 12  traici (throicio L2) furti L Trayci furtim Ri ∣ alendum] tollendum Ri ∣ vellens L

 13  asportaveram Ri ∣ in om. Ra

 14  meum om. Ri

 15  myrtam L ∣ efuge L

 16  abarum L aquarum Ri ∣ Et om. L Ri

 19  deserto L

 20  socios suos L

 21  pecuniaria Ra pecuari Ri

 23  Et cum de armento ipso non parvam mactarent vel Ri ∣ armenta ipsa vel pecora Ra

 24  silvam Ri

 25  alfiarum L alphiarum Ra ∣ avium om. L Ri ∣ devastatus L

 26  volatum velle Ri ∣ ut eos devorarent Ri

 28  valuisset L ∣ videns se turbatus L videns se turbatum Ra

 1  accedere om. L Ri ∣ se mittere ad epulum se L

 2  eas Ra ei Ri ∣ supra Ra

 3  pinna L ∣ ei famen fatura L famen futuram Ra eius famas futuras Ri prophetisare] pronuntiare L ∣ hoc om. L eo Ri

 4  eorum Ra Ri

 5  Inde et Ra ∣ mare Ri ∣ Ciciliam Ra ∣ igeo L ego Ra ∣ subiit Hetneum montem Ri

 6  Achimedinis L Achemidis Ra Achimenidis Ri

 7  Pulifemo (et alibi) L Polliferno (et alibi) Ri

 9  vesceretur Ri ∣ et om. Ri

 10  tali L etiam altaque Ri

 11  clamante atque dicente Ri atque] et Ra ∣ quoscumque L Ri

 12  adducite L Ri ∣ peream L ∣ manus perisset L iuvabit] om. L iuvabis Ra

 11-12  iii, 601; 606

 13  audivit Ra

 14  navem] nave L navi Ri

 15  vel quis fuit om. Ri

 16  Ulixes L

 17  nuncupabatur L

 18  in auxilium om. Ra ∣ invitaverant Ra

 19  excensa Ri ∣ omnes ad terram L

 20  suam provinciam L

 21  a om. L

 22  percussus Ri

 23  Sicilia Ethneo monte L Cicilie Ethne monti Ra ad Etneum montem Ri Vulcanus] vulgatus L

 25  ferrariorumgue L ∣ Cui Ri

 26  hominum] omusium L

 27  xii sociis Ri ∣ suis om. Ri ∣ suis de navem descendens L

 28  direxit L perrexit Ri ∣ dormientem in speluncam vidisset iacere L sompnum in speluncam iacentem videret Ri

 1  lampade] lapide Ra ∣ ardentem L Ri

 3  sua om. Ra ∣ cum om. Ra

 4  ex] de Ri ∣ Odisseus L

 5  sociis suis Ra ∣ et Odisseum Ra

 6  captivare cum navibus L capere Ri

 8  numerum L ∣ ab eo] ad’o ad’o Ri

 10  braritum Ri ∣ brabritum post eius Ri ∣ exparuerunt L

 11  solus om. Ri ∣ eius om. Ri ∣ captivitatem L quem] et ipsum Ri

 12  dum vocem eius audiret om. Ri ∣ nave eum L nave Ri ∣ captivitatem L et de captivitate Ciclopum om. Ri

 13  se eruit Ri

 14  permovens Ri ∣ latus Ri ∣ est om. Ri super ora maris] ad superiora Ri

 15  invenit in eodem templo Ri

 16  orari L orare Ra Andromachen] sic L Ra Andromache Ri ∣ relictum Ra ∣ sibi om. Ra

 17  Que] Quem L

 18  cognosceret L casu] causa Ri

 19  in amplexu] iamplexu L ∣ eum om. Ri ∣ adloquitur dicens L

 20  iii, 343

 21  et om. Ri

 23  ad] in Ri

 24  Que L ∣ granditudinis Ri

 26  pro regno recipiendo vellet Ri

 27  vellens L

 28  Eulum L ∣ ventorum om. Ri

 29  ventus L ∣ suis navibus L

 1  Elus L ∣ obediens ventos (ventus L) L Ri acuta] adducta L

 2  fuerunt L

 3  exire Ra ∣ in mare L diversa] deserta L

 4  oculis L

 5  Planinurus (et alibi) Ra

 6  a om. L ∣ natandum L

 7  vim L vim unde Ri

 8  unda] inde Ri ∣ iactabat L ∣ poterat om. Ra ∣ naves Ri ∣ et sic Ri

 9  natandum L

 9-15  vi, 364-371

 10  invicte] immite Ri

 11  namque] micenamque Ra micenam que Ri prebere] require L2 vehere Ri ∣ evelinos Ri aut] et Ri

 12  quam] qua Ra diva] divina Ri ∣ numine L2

 13  para L paras L2 parasti Ri ∣ vestigiam que mare Ri ∣ Palinuro da L Ra

 14  ut om. L add. L2 om. Ra

 17  iracundia Ri ∣ describit Ra Cum] Tunc L Dum Ri

 17-18  i, 36

 18  Eoli iam Ri Eoliam p. 26, l. 6 dicabo] Hec secum: mene incoepto desistere victam nec posse Italia Teucrorum avertere regem? Quippe vetor fatis. Pallasne exurere classem Argivum atque ipsos potuit submergere ponto unius ob noxam et furias Aiacis Olei? Ipsa Iovis rapidum iaculata e nubibus igne(m?) (disiecit?) que rates evertitque aequora ventis, illum expirantem transfixo pec(tore?) flammas turbine corripuit scopuloque infixit acuto. Ast ego que divum incedo regina Iovisque et soror et coniux una cum gente tot annos bella gero. Et quisquam numen Iunonis adoret praeterea aut suplex aris imponet hon(orem?)? Talia flammato secum dea corde volutans nimborum in patriam, loca feta furentibus austris, Aeoliam venit. Hic vasto rex Eolus antro luctantes ventos tempestatesque sonoras imperio premit ac vinclis et carcere frenat. Illi indignantes magno cum murmure montis circum claustra fremunt. Celsa (sedet?) Eolus arce sceptra tenens mollitque animos et temperat iras. Ni facians maria ac terras celumque profundum, quippe ferant rapidi secum verrantque per auras. Sed pater omnipotens speluncis abdidit atris hoc metuens molemque et montes insuper altos inposuit regemque dedit qui foedere certo et premere et laxas sciret dare iussus habenas. Ad quem dum Iuno supplex his vocibus usa est: Aeole, namque tibi divum pater atque hominum rex et mulcere dedit fluctus et tollere ventos, gens (inimica?) mihi Tyrrenum navigat equor, Ilium in Italia portans victosque penates, incute vi(m ven?)tis sumer [Aen. i, 37-69] in rasura et in marg. add. L2

 18-19  i, 52

 19  facit -iras] dedit fluctus et tellere vento Ri

 19  i, 57; i, 66

 1  et om. Ra

 2  dare -habenas] tollere fluctus Ri ∣ Gens

 1-6  i, 65-73

 4  ponto] Incute vim ventis, submersasque obrue puppes / Gens inimica mihi Tyrrenum navigat equor / Aut age diversos et disseca corpora ferro / Ylium in Ytalia portans vectosque penates Ri

 6  Deioppena Ri coniugio] connubio Ri

 7  O dea soror] ut ea soror que L ∣ soror que Ri et] est Ri

 8  hec L mihi datum] traditum Ri et] ut L ∣ potestatem habeatis Ri

 9  ventus L

 11  sicut -est] ut superius dictum est Ri

 12  dum] cum Ri ∣ fuisse om. L Ri

 13  cum om. Ri

 14  ab eo] habeo L

 15  eius preces Ri ∣ erigit L ∣ undas L unda Ra

 16  et Zephirum Ra

 16-18  i, 137-139

 17  imperio L ∣ pelagis L Ra ∣ eumque L evumque Ra

 18  Iupiter dedit om. Ri ∣ preceptis Ri

 20  inter Ri naves] rasura L

 21  suis -congregaverunt] Enee ad eum se coniunxerunt L ∣ se om. Ri

 23  Eneas vero cum vii navibus dum ad litus Affricanum denavigaret Ri ∣ Africanus L

 24  loci qui] que L Ra ∣ Abarim L ∣ clippia civitas L clipea civitas Ra civitas clipea Ri

 24  Cf. i, 365-368

 25  dum] cum L

 26  tredecim L ∣ erraverant L Ra

 27  eius oculos Ri ∣ relinquit L Ra

 1  Agate (et alibi) L ∣ vellens L

 2  pelagum Ri ne] nequid L si Ri ∣ possent Ri

 3  econtra om. Ri ∣ et ante vidit om. L

 4  armigerum suum L

 5  occisit L

 6  dum] cum Ra ∣ distribuissent L distribuisset Ra ∣ tercora L stercora Ri ∣ costas L costis L1

 6  i, 211 12 Cf. i, 316-317

 7  animare] armare Ra Ri ∣ cupiens dicit L

 8  o om. L deus] dominus L Ri et] ut L

 9  perducat L

 10  et om. Ra

 11  ut] et dum Ri ∣ pelagos L pelagum Ri ∣ inspiceret L si] ut L ∣ possit Ra

 13  alto cincta altas L alte cincta alta Ri

 14  capitis vinctam Ra Ri ∣ habens om. Ri Heus] Enea Ra

 14  i, 319

 15  iuvenes L om. Ri ∣ vidistis Ri ∣ sorore L -m meam add. L2

 16  succincta L ∣ faretram et maculosum L Ri ∣ linceis Ri

 14-16  i, 321-323

 17  nulla L o] ego L ∣ tuam Ri ∣ vidissem L ∣ germanam sororem L germanam sororum Ra germanam nec sororem Ri

 17-20  i, 326-334

 18  vocem humanam Ri ∣ vox om. L Ra

 19  a quo alii dii L

 20  dii om. Ri

 21  Venus] Enea Ri ∣ provinciam Libicam Ri

 22  est om. Ra ∣ libicies L libiacis Ra

 23  pharetram Ri quia] et quia nos L2 et qui Ri

 22-23  i, 336

 24  augurii L auguriis Ri Aspice bis senos cignos] aspicebis se nos centum nos L aspicies senas cirnos Ri ∣ Ioves alet et aeri L Ioves ales aeria Ra

 24-25  i, 393-395

 25  recusata Ri secuta est] sic L secutus es L2

 26  spera L speras L2 Ri ∣ scito Ra ∣ per maria om. Ri

 27  hinc Ri ∣ proximum L proxime Ra ∣ Cartago civitas est Ra ∣ Dido L

 1  condita est Ra

 2  Sydoniensium om. Ra ∣ fratreque Ri ∣ eius post divitias om. Ra

 3  Et om. Ri ∣ de om. Ri ∣ Sidonia Ra

 4  ibi om. Ra ∣ solum sibi Ri constituit] posuit L

 5  Et quia Ri

 6  non parem L ∣ cum hec L om. Ri

 7  habito L ∣ iterato Ri ∣ Que L

 8  provolutis Ri

 10  letificas L ∣ Troia L

 11  per] a L ad Ri

 12  maris seu famis Ri ∣ ut om. Ri ∣ pertulimus Ri ∣ miserere] nunc Ri

 13  pericula Ra ∣ mater eius L

 14  Cartagine L

 15  tuis] eius L suis Ri ∣ navibus L navim Ri ∣ ascendant Ri

 16  Cartagine L septem-18 iunxit] septem te subtus nebulam veniat et dum exinde movisset et naves ad portum iuncxisset L

 16  septem -ducam] septem tectus nebula Ri

 18  Cf. i, 443-447

 18  templum ingens] mire magnitudinis templum L

 19  Sydoni a Didone Ri ∣ appellabatur Ri

 21  prima L ∣ conlocata L

 22  Iunoni om. Ri sunt] est L Ri ∣ qui in tutelam Iunoni Ri

 23  Carthago om. Ra

 24  Cartagine L ∣ superbelligosam L superciliosam Ri

 25  non] nunquam L In quo-26 casus] Et fecit mire magnitudinis templum in quo omnes pugnas et causam Ri

 25  ingentem L

 26  templo] templum L

 27  Troie pinxerat] Troianorum exposuerat atque pingere fecerat L Ad quod templum] Et L

 1  navibus septem Ri ∣ cum sociis suis om. Ri

 2  in ea domum ante ingressus add. L ∣ omnem L ∣ templum L ∣ pictum L pictos et pugnas Ri

 3  inania L

 3  i, 464

 4  felicitas L Ra ∣ Troiane L ∣ est om. Ri orbem] mundum L

 5  suo om. Ra ∣ loqueretur L

 7  est et sedit L ∣ Quem L

 8  ipse atque Ri ∣ conscendisset Ri

 9  constitueret L ∣ dat L Ra

 9  i, 426

 10  ei om. Ri

 11  erraverunt Ra et erraverant Ri ∣ portum Iuno Ri ∣ iungeret L ∣ fractisque L Ri

 12  Ad om. Ra ∣ quos L qui] que L ut Ri

 13  eisdem] his L eiusdem Ri ∣ fuissent L

 14  aspectus L

 15  fuerant Ri ∣ Elioneos L ∣ regine om. L ∣ cum om. Ri

 16  fari] regine fateri L fateri Ra ∣ regina sublimis Ri ∣ cui om. L ∣ conderet L

 17  amove infandos] amoveri iubes L ∣ nostris ignem L

 17  i, 525

 18  Quorum statim Ri

 19  licentiose om. Ri

 20  sic fiducialiter regine L

 21  per om. Ri ∣ nocte L Ri ∣ invasa et incensa fuisset Ri

 22  vel] et Ri

 23  etiam] iam Ra ∣ Anchisae Ri

 24  vel] et Ri

 25  est om. Ri quondam] quod L om. Ra ∣ filia ante Priami Ri

 26  dum] cum Ra ∣ viderimus L ∣ eligimus L quia] cui Ri

 27  a dea -admonitus] et ad ipsa deam Veneris matrem suam admonitus L a dea ipsa matre sua monitus Ri ∣ regnum ipsius Ytalie possideret et Ri

 1  optinere L ∣ natorum suorum Ri

 2  Hec L ∣ nos om. Ri eius] suam Ri

 3  vel] una cum Ri ∣ ipsum Eneam ducem nostrum L ∣ civitatem exivimus Ri et -ex] modo atque septimus annus est Ri

 4  in his annis L ∣ excidius L ∣ periculum L per pericula Ri

 5  sedem Ri de] a Ra

 6  Italia pergimus vim subito tempestates L ∣ tempestates Ri ∣ Et -sumus om. Ri ∣ ab pares exparsimus L

 7  si ipse] an Ri ∣ aliis om. Ri

 8  evasit aut] evaserit an Ri ∣ procellis Ri ∣ miseris L ∣ fractis om. Ri

 9  hic Ra

 10  vel] et Ri ∣ antennis Ra ∣ ad naves nostras L Ra ∣ in Italia secundum promissa L

 11  inveniemus Ri

 12  Eneam ducem nostrum invenire L

 13  regina cum L Ra

 14  vos post meo L

 15  erit necesse Ra necesse est Ri

 16  ut] et Ra

 16  Cf. i, 575-576

 17  etiam et ego peregrina L etiam peregrina ego Ri

 18  casos L

 18  seqq. Cf. i, 340 ff.

 19  Sydona L Sydonia L2 ∣ nobilem Ra

 20  sic hec viro illustro Ra quondam] quod L

 21  Et] ut Ri ∣ migraret L

 22  ut divitias mariti mei acciperet Ri

 23  meum om. Ri ∣ occiderunt L

 24  velle etiam et L etiam] et Ra et] ut L ∣ meas om. Ri

 25  Et om. Ri ∣ somnium Ra mihi] me Ri ∣ matris mee allocuta Ri

 26  divitiis meis L

 27  suorum om. Ri ∣ terre Ri

 1  et om. Ra ∣ Et om. Ri

 2  collecti sunt ut dixi omnes divitias meas Ra ∣ collavi L ∣ Sicilia L

 3  Ibi Ri ∣ venientes Siracusa civitate L ∣ Siracusa Ra

 4  murmurare] morbare Ri ∣ noscens Ri ∣ ubi sedes haberem Ri

 6  Que dum requirerem L Et dum quererem Ri ∣ huius provincie rex L ∣ provincie huius Ra

 7  est mihi Ri ∣ Getholum Inarbam L

 8  solium traderet ubinamque Ri ∣ Et mihi distraxit om. Ri

 9  corrigiam quam Ri ∣ liniare L limare Ra

 10  potui L ∣ proficerem L ∣ coniugium Ra

 11  cuius] sed eius L et ad eius imaginem] etatem eius indaginem Ri ∣ imagine L

 13  connubia om. Ra

 14  respondit] ad eum locutus dixit L

 15  Ecce vides regina L ∣ nec dum L Ri nosse et] nosce Ri

 16  incidisset L Ri ∣ sis] es L

 17  Et dum Ri ∣ ruptam L rapta Ra ∣ nebulam L

 18  Armatus] amictus L amittus Ri hastam] asta L

 19  Coram] Cui sic L Ri

 20  queris adsum Ri

 19-20  i, 595

 21  amittens Ri ∣ Aneam manu Ra

 22  Hec Ri ∣ qui ante de navibus Ri

 23  provolutis L Ri ∣ se ante Eneam Ri

 25  ducem om. L Ra ubinam] ubi L ∣ violentias L

 26  Quod Ra

 27  fuerant om. Ri ∣ iungerentur quod fecerunt Ra ∣ Hec cum Ri

 1  in templum om. Ra eius] ei L Ra

 2  aulam suam regiam] palatium suum L ∣ Et dum in aulam regiam intrasset post perduxit add. L

 3  Tunicas] Heliagas L Tirias Ra ∣ urbesque paratas L petiit] ponit Ri

 3  iv, 75

 4  commune L Ri hunc] nunc L Ra est] erit Ri ac] ut L et Ri ∣ tuus L ∣ pater quem germanos L pater quem germanus Ra pariterque regnemus Ri

 4-5  iv, 102-103

 5  liceat] regias L Ra ∣ figio Ra ∣ serolre L

 6  Eneas vero Ra

 7  Agate armigero suo L

 8  Ascanium filium meum L

 9  regina Ra id est] i Ri ∣ de auro L ∣ et gemmis Ri

 11  adflotitiario Ra affrodicarium Ri ∣ quem illi Andromace dedit L quem Andromache dederat Ra quod tibi Andromacha dedit Ri ∣ ista L hiis Ri ∣ omnia L

 12  Ascanius om. Ri ∣ regina L

 13  iussioni Ri

 15  figuram Ri ∣ qua L

 16  habet L ∣ offerat L Ri dum] et L om. Ra et dum ei munera Ri ∣ osculo L

 17  Copito (et alibi) L iussioni Veneris Ri

 18  vires] Veneris L ∣ et om. Ri ∣ magna om. Ra ∣ et om. Ri

 18-19  i, 664-666

 19  numina] munia Ra

 20  Merito om. L ∣ te om. Ra ∣ facie Ascanii neputis tui L

 21  munera per te L ∣ gemio Ra ∣ acceperis L

 21-22  i, 685

 22  atque- ignes] adquisivit inpleti signis L atque eius ossibus implices ignem Ri

 22  i, 660

 23  iussis Ra ∣ Didoni munera Ra

 24  ei Ri ∣ amorem L Ri ∣ medulla L medullas Ri ∣ inserpuit Ri ∣ diceres Ra

 25  facie L Ri

 26  navem L ∣ navis operem misit ad que cum in ipsos opere tulit Ri

 1  aromata diversa L

 3  Cupidinem] Copiti ne L ∣ nave L navem Ri

 4  tuus tuus Ra

 5  offerantur Ri ∣ munera om. L Ra ∣ regina L

 6  una om. Ri ∣ regina L

 7  in] om. Ra eum in Ri ∣ et per L Ra

 8  cenam] Eneam Ra ∣ ab Enea casus Ri ∣ casus L

 9  vellens L revolens Ra volens Ra1 ∣ describit Ri ∣ FINIT post descripsit add. L

 10-17  ii, 1-13

 12  eruerint] tulerunt Ri ∣ et queque Ri

 13  fuit L ∣ afando L

 14  mili L miles Ri ∣ precipita Ra

 15  somno L

 16  supremum Troie Ra Tidie supremum Ri

 17  miminisset Ri ∣ incipiam om. L Ri (luctu)que refugit (inci)piam add. in marg. L2 (10 Conticuere-17 horret manus incerta fortasse L2 per rasuram emend.)

 18  introisset Ri ∣ Enee sociis Ri ∣ multa L om. Ri viginti -suum] xx scilicet ingentes tauros centum sues Ri

 19  ingens L ∣ terga om. L

 20  fuisset facta Ri

 21  valedicentes regine discesserunt et dum omnes descenderent L

 23  describit Ra ∣ quies om. Ra

 23-24  i, 723-724

 24  magnos statuunt L ∣ ut vino Ra

 25  perficeret L ∣ Didonis regine Ri

 26  ex auro L Ra ∣ id est] et L ∣ omnem domum Ri ∣ domum regiam omnis aromatum L

 26  i, 703

 27  multa] plura Ri

 1  Dum -valedixerunt] Dum sibi utrique fialas propinarent vale sibi dixerunt et abinvicem discesserunt L sibi utrique] adinvicem osculati sunt et Ri

 2  nocte cogitare et Ri uri] illius uni Ri ∣ et om. Ri ∣ videre L Ra

 3  bachatur] vacatur L nocte vagatur Ri ∣ urbe L

 3-4  iv, 68-69; iv, 666

 4  et] ut Ra ∣ ureretur L Ra

 5  exfrigdet L exfrigidavit Ra exfrididet Ri urebatur] fernebat Ri

 6-7  iv, 9

 6  que] quare Ra

 7  Unde ut L Utinam ut Ri nostra] non Ri

 8  nimii amoris L

 9  iam die alio Eneam L ∣ plusquam L

 11  contrario habuit ut L nimium doluit et Ri

 12  acceperit L ∣ in uxorem Ri iunctioni] Iuno Ri

 13  peteret] precaret L2 ∣ ut concedere L et concederet Ri ∣ iunctioni L

 14-15  x, 1-2

 14  impotentis Ra

 15  conciliumque (et infra) L Ri hominum] omnium Ra

 16  vocaret Ri ∣ permitterent et iuncti fuissent L ut coniungere permitteret Ri

 18  qua L quod Ra ∣ tota mente Ri ∣ tua om. Ra

 19  ut om. L Ri ∣ utrosque ad venandum Ri

 20  exire L Ri ∣ venaverint L ∣ erit ut novem (et om.) L ∣ nivem grandinis Ra

 21  emittam L Ra ∣ a vim L (m rasit L1?) a nive Ra ambo Ri ∣ grandines fugerint Ri ∣ una spelunca L Ra

 22  fugiens L om. Ri

 22-23  iv, 127

 23  adcerbam L ad cervam Ra ∣ potenti Ri ∣ implerentur Ri ∣ dictu L dicta Ri

 24  ad Enean] ad Eneā Ra Enee Ri ad venationem] venatui Ri

 25  et dum L ∣ tali enim Ri ∣ Dido ante In L ∣ ut in Ri

 26  viri altas L virili artas Ra Ri ∣ ciclades indicta Ri ∣ fibula L Ri],

 1  alto L Ri ∣ cinctam L vittam] victam Ra vinctam Ri ∣ coma L om. Ri ∣ caput eius construxit Ri

 2  et om. L ∣ zaba Ra ∣ galeam cristatam Ri Martem] Martes figura L parte Ri

 3  et om. L Ra ∣ silva L Ra

 4  venirent Ri aprum aut] primum Ra ∣ descenderent L ∣ Et venantes Ra

 5  venarentur L facta] nata Ri ∣ De nube grando exivit Ri

 6  spelunca Ra

 7  nesciens om. Ri ∣ raniando L ramando Ra Ri etiam- est] se in speluncam recepit Ri ∣ eadem L

 8  Didone L ∣ eam L ∣ in om. L in -satiaverunt] amore satiaverant Ra

 9  Et ecce Dido qualiter Ri ∣ Et etiam Ri ∣ Et iam Dido non potuit Ra

 10  exemplum L exemplo Ra Ri ∣ Livie dedit L ∣ fame Ri ∣ orbem Ri

 10-12  iv, 173-177

 11  famaque L famamque Ri ∣ malum om. L Ri qua] quod L Ra om. Ri ∣ ullam L bellum Ri

 12  adquireret et non adquireret Ri ∣ eundo om. L Ri ∣ cet non adque sese L qui se Ra que se om. Ri ∣ tollit Ri

 13  de om. Ra ∣ Iarbum Ra

 14  Ut audiit Ra ∣ erigit L Ri

 15  Iovinus Ra ∣ faciem Ri ∣ Iovi Ri ∣ vocem deprecatur L

 16  maioris apictis Ri ∣ gens -honorem post ad te -posco MSS ∣ epulantur ibi eum libat L

 17  lieum levat Ri ∣ numina] munia Ra

 16-17  iv, 206-208

 17  i, 666

 18  Audiens ne L ∣ despiceret L connupta Ri

 19  nos] non Ri ∣ et manere L ut manere Ri atque] ut que Ri

 20  Audiens L omnes Ri omnipotens] spiritus Ri ∣ et om. L Ri ∣ ad] a L ∣ ad me mator sit Ra

 20  iv, 220

 21  Quilium L Quilinum Ra

 22  tibi Zephiros] tibi phiros L Zephirus Ri ∣ duce L Ri

 22  p.36, i iv, 223-226

 23  arcus loca L ∣ locant Ri ∣ perferris L perferens Ri

 23  iv, 260

 1  aures L Ri

 2  nascentur Ra nascutur Ri

 3  amore L ∣ et -devotum om. L Ra

 4  te om. L Ri ∣ habes amorem Ri

 5  tibi Ri

 6  acra] aera L Ra ara Ri ∣ Cartaginem L

 7  primum L ∣ Eneas dicto Ri

 9  Eneas om. Ri ∣ dixerunt Ra

 10  fidem] foede L nece tua] tua nece L te Ra

 10-11  iv, 569-570

 11  est om. Ra

 12  amari L

 13  suscepit L

 14  miscui Ri ∣ ficte Ra

 14-15  Cf. iv, 333-361

 15  se] esse Ri occulte] om. Ra occulte Eneas Ri

 16  necessaria L

 17  Et dum omnia preparassent eis (prepararent ei Ra) nuntiatum est post imponerent add. L Ra ∣ iam] ita Ra ∣ preparatas L

 18  est et Ri et ante per om. Ri ∣ nocte Didone L

 19  in lecto alterum add. Ri ∣ descendit L ∣ spathi sua L

 20  lectuli L ∣ navibus recipit L in navibus se recepit Ra

 22  experrecta] experta dum Eneas non inveniret navem ascendit et L experta Ri se collocavit] collavit L collabitur Ri

 23  exsuperans L Ra exusperantes Ri ∣ videre L ∣ lectulum L

 24  suam sic Ri

 25  consulere L Ri ∣ revertitur L ∣ Annam L ∣ ad om. Ri

 26  lectuli L

 27  se lamentare L Ra Vixi et] Exiet L Exiit Ra ∣ curso L cursu Ra

 28  magna eis L magnam ei Ra ibit] sibi L ∣ preclara L

 28  p.37, 3 iv, 653-658

 1  Hoc vero L ut auro Ri ∣ inimici L ∣ a om. Ra ∣ recepit L

 2  eu] ea Ra si] sub L ∣ Dardanio L Dardanii Ri ∣ nostre L Ri

 3  illa L ∣ mediam om. L Ra ∣ taliam Ri ∣ conlapsa L

 4  commitem sensimque L ∣ cruorem L Ri It] Hinc L om. Ri

 3-8  iv, 663-670

 5  cum- femineo om. L Ra

 6  ululatus testa L Ra ∣ resonant Ri

 7  quid Ra ∣ immensis hostibus L immensi sortibus Ra ∣ resonarit Ra ∣ omnes L

 8  Dum om. Ra ab ea ad] habea L

 9  discessisset Ra Dido] itaque L ∣ de spata L Ra ∣ Quem L

 10  antiquorum om. Ri ∣ habet L erat Ri cinerem eius] om. L cineres eius Ri

 11  Liburno] urna Ri ∣ litrina L Ra electrina Ri ∣ iuxta om. L ∣ cinere eius misit et iuxta cinere L cineres Ri

 12  Sicilia L Ciciliam Ra ∣ iterum Ra

 13  anniversaria Ra

 14  Et om. Ri

 15  Hostiam om. L Ra ∣ civitate L ∣ orbis Ra est urbis Ri ∣ Ubi Ra

 16  ubi eam circuisset Ri ∣ vidit om. Ri

 17  aggere L ∣ lapideum unum Ri construere] constituere L ubi] ut Ri

 18  suas om. L ∣ tuitione] divitione L Ra ∣ includentur Ri

 20  ista geruntur et ante castra add. Ri ora] horam Ri

 21  se iactavit et ante iaceret add. Ri

 22  ascendentes L ∣ dicentes ante dixerunt add. Ri ∣ Domine inquit rex de qua tu es provincia L Ra

 23  te ratio fecit L Ra urbem] provinciam Ri ∣ veniret L

 24  cives Ra

 25  quondam] que Ra

 26  deorum precepto Ri

 1  mihi om. Ra ∣ devotus L ∣ Et de Troya cum xx navibus post excidium Ri

 2  vel om. Ri ∣ vides L Ra ∣ Et om. L Ra

 3  precepta Ra ∣ perexire L ∣ iracundiam L

 5  Cartagine L ∣ urbem et Ri

 6  matrimonia Ri

 7  eam L ∣ Cartaginensem civitatem Ri ∣ nuntia L

 8  sum om. L Ri ∣ adhuc Ri ∣ regnum percipiendum L

 9  pergerem Ra perrexi Ri

 9  memoratum L

 10  dimisi Didonem Ri ∣ perexivi L perrexi Ri

 11  quando] cum Ri ∣ rex noster Latinus sit Ri

 14  Drauni Ri

 15  exercitum magnum L

 18  hec om. Ri

 19  cum ista civibus ostendentibus L

 20  flulumi Ri cor eius] corde Ra

 21  numen] nomen MSS ∣ somnis L Ra

 22  ad eum loquitur Ri ∣ addicta L tibi] isti Ra

 23  non om. L Ra ∣ eum obtinere L ∣ regnum -cogitare iterum add. Ri

 24  enim om. L Ra

 25  Sed- putes iterum add. Ra ∣ ne] nec L ∣ ego sum Ri

 26  numen sum] nomen L Ri

 27  per navem per me Ri

 30  quere Ri

 1  possis dimicare Ri ∣ Ergo] illo L Ra iunge te cum eo] coniunge tecum L ∣ erit Ri

 2  credatis L admediato] ad me ducto Ra

 4  fetum enixam Ra ∣ albo colore cubans L Ri

 3-5  viii, 43-46

 5  fuerint L

 6  regnavit L regnaret Ra

 7  genuerat Ra fuit] regnabat Ri

 8  jaculen Ri

 9  natus L

 10  Qui vero porca L ∣ Albano (et alibi) L Ra ∣ civitas- Albana om. Ri

 11  ibi Ra ∣ ei porca Ra

 11-13  Cf. vi, 763 sqq.

 12  ubi L Ra ∣ a om. Ri add. Ri1 ∣ Postumio (et alibi) L Ra ∣ Silvio om. Ri ∣ Lavia L ∣ morte L

 13  Albana civitas L ∣ nomen om. Ri

 14  causa L ∣ redeamus ad causam iterum add. Ra ∣ a nomen L ad numen Ra anomine Ri ∣ invitatus Ra

 15  castram L

 16  Quos] Quem omnes viros L Quod sic Ri

 17  et om. Ra

 18  portavimus Ra ∣ nec per hostes subrapiantur Ri ∣ obripiant Ra ∣ omnia Ri

 19  auxilia ab eo petenda L auxiliis ab eo petend(is?) Ri

 20  assumptis Ri

 21  fortissimis viris Ra ∣ per om. Ri fluvium] filium Ra

 22  navigare cepissent L Ra

 23  navigii sui L ∣ ilice L ∣ filios L de ea] dee Ri

 24  ut appareret om. L Ra

 25  condi deberet] condita est L Ra ∣ Et quid L Ra

 26  venissent L properaret Ri

 1  cognovere Ra nunquam noverant Ri ∣ pavore -se om. Ri ∣ et om. Ra Ri ∣ contra Eneam om. L Ra

 2  Eneas om. Ra ∣ venire vidissent L ∣ de nave om. Ri ∣ ipse Eneas L Ra

 3  veniret L

 4  obvius Enee Ra

 5  ascenderet Ra

 6  suo om. L Ra

 8  adviverent L Ri ∣ et om. Ri ∣ eandem diem L Ra

 9  pro quod L et pro quo Ri ∣ monstrum vel denavastorem L monstrum vel devastatorem Ra

 10  caruerat] casum erat Ri ∣ natalem L Ra

 11  celebratur Ra ∣ Et ita contigit ut superius Ri ∣ superius om. L Ra

 12  eadem om. Ra ibidem] ubi L ibi Ri ∣ veniret Ri ∣ et om. L ∣ regem om. L Ra

 13  omni om. Ri ∣ celebrantes Ri quem digne] et tempus L Ra

 14  epulas L ∣ obici L obiecit Ri

 17  sibi] sivi L

 18  huc] hic L om. Ra ∣ volutus Ra ∣ quia L Ra ∣ admoverunt Ri

 19  accipiam] obtineam L ∣ regi Latini L ∣ in Hostia civitate] ad eius civitatem L civitatem Ra

 20  cum meis om. L ∣ veniret L ∣ per sompni ammonitionem Tiberini fluminis Ri

 21  hic L Ra ∣ pergerem L Ra ∣ petirem L

 22  etiam -habere] quomodo tu cum eo inimicitias habes Ri eo] eum L peto ut] est ut L om. Ra

 23  iungamus Ri ∣ inimicos nostros L ∣ vero vero Ri

 24  consument Ra consumē Ri

 25  eis] ea L ea re Ra ∣ ordinemus Ri ∣ perfecerunt Ra

 26  se recepit] venit L recepit Ri Cum quo] Eum Ri

 1  Et cum-4 Cui sic ait] Cum atque Eneas ab Evandro discessisset cogitans, cepit requirere opertuna sibi belli auxilia, que plurima ipse a Tuscis accepit. Cui Massicus princeps mille viros cum navibus dedit, quorum pars Clusim, pars Chosas habitabant. Horum etiam alii sagitarii, alii vero optimi erant bellatores. Venit etiam Abas, cuius agmen optimis atque pulcherrimis et decoris armis fulgebat; et in cuius navi Apollo auro depictus erat. Populania vero mater DC fortissimos dedit viros, ut Virgilius ait: Sexcentos illi dabat Populania mater. Ilba insula CCC, ut Virgilius ait: Ast Ilba CCC. Que insula pre ceteris metallis habundat. Pisa atque Tuscie civitas nobilissima dedit ei milites mille bello expertissimos, densos acie atque horrentibus hastis. Quibus Adsiles astronomicus mirabilis et augur futurorumque prescius princeps constitutus est. Que civitas predicta in Tuscia a Pelopide Tantali filio constructa et hedificata est. Apud eam exulans Astur etiam pulcherrimus et equo nobilis sequitur. Preter hos qui habitabant Cerete domo dant CCC viros diversorum colorum armis indutos. Et qui habitabant martus [Aen. in arvis] Mimionis veniunt; et veteres Pirgi et intempeste Gravisse similiter venere cum istis. Hos omnes habuit in sui auxilium Eneas a Tuscis. A Liguribus atque hos in auxilium habuit. Cinirus fortissimus bello ductor Ligurum venit, sequiturque Cupavus cum paucis eiusdem Capavi. Filius sequitur comitatus equales catervas classes. Et Ocirus filius Mantos prophetisse qui hedificavit Mantuam imposuitque ei nomen de nomine matris venit. Iuno autem, cum Eneam ab amicis petentem auxilia videret, et tot cum Enea ad dimicandum cum Turno sensisse venire, ad Turni lectum furiam misit, eique sic ait. [cf. Aen. x, 166-200] Ri

 1  sedes suas L ∣ mora L ∣ dando Enee L

 2  quia] que Ra ∣ nosse L coram] om. L caro Ra

 3  contra Turno L ∣ furia L

 4  Laurentina civitate L ∣ luxuriari Ri

 5  et om. Ri ∣ Eneas autem Troyanus ecce venit Ri et] ecce Ra ∣ vultque te expellere de regno Ri expellere] excludere Ra

 6  Lavinia L ∣ iungere L Ra

 7  Arcanium filium suum Ri ∣ Hostia L

 8  ad- perexivit] ad petendum auxilium Evandro aliisque provinciis sicque modo cum omni belli apparatu rever<t>entur Ri

 9  Ergo vade modo L Vade ergo Ri ∣ et duc L ducque Ri ∣ exercitus L ∣ et-interfice] eumque patre absente interfice cum omnibus quos secum habet Ri

 10  videtur habere Ra

 11  ne] et nec L ne- exire] et ne moreris ne sponsam tuam similiter cum regno admittas Ri ∣ regnum L

 12  multum Ra ∣ atque monitus Ri parato] cum L Ra

 13  ad] contra Ri ∣ perexivit L surrexit Ri

 14  Et dum- conturbari] Dumque ad castra filii Enee Ascanii venisset et ea undique circumvenit cepitque eum Turnus fortiter conturbare Ri ∣ exercitum L

 15  dum] cum Ra ∣ velit Ri

 1  amici Enee Ri

 2  Aurialus Ri ∣ te om. Ra

 3  si] et L Ra ∣ in om. Ri ∣ interrumpemus L interrumpamus Ra

 4  pereximus L Ra ut] et Ri

 5  nos] te L ∣ manibus Ri ∣ liberaret Ra ∣ dicto Niso et Eurialo Ra

 6  deprecari L ∣ hec que Ri

 7  faceret] fateret L inter se] in tres Ri

 8  eis om. Ri dum] cum Ra ∣ pateras MSS ∣ ei L eius Ri

 9  oblata MSS ∣ bibunt L per sacramenta] sacramento Ri

 10  memorata] nominata Ri se] esse L om. Ri ∣ impleturi L

 11  biberunt Ra et nocte] enocte Ri

 12  murum Ri ∣ deposite Ra expositi Ri

 14  dixisset L ∣ utrisque L Ri

 16  talibus Ra solo strati] soporati Ri

 17  expergiscerent L ∣ papilione L

 18  Samnitis (et alibi) Ra

 19  venirent Ri ∣ eum om. L Ra

 20  estimans L Ra costimantes Ri ∣ ipsum esse Ri

 22  interficerunt Ra

 23  tulerunt] fuerunt L Ra ∣ scuto L Ra ∣ aureum Ri ∣ rigente Ra ∣ galea L Ra

 24  vagina L Ra ∣ asta L Ra

 25  occidissent L ∣ papilionem L

 26  quoscumque Ra ∣ potuissent L invenerunt Ra ∣ interficeret L

 27  vidissent L

 27-28  ix, 355

 28  Ramnes L2

 1  sicut -potuit om. L ∣ auguri Ri

 1-2  ix, 328

 2  Auxialus Ri

 3  et dum om. Ri ∣ Samnitis (et infra) L

 4  luna L tales] tele L ∣ in ipsa Ra

 5  qui L Ra ∣ contra luna L ∣ dum om. Ra ∣ intendunt] incedunt Ri

 6  Vulcens] Ulisses Ri ∣ Turno L turtum Ri

 7  directi L directis Ra directos Ra1 enletius Ri ∣ transire L Ra

 8  ad urbem Lautinam Ri ∣ trecentum scutariorum Ra om. Ri ∣ omnes] om. Ra omnem Ri ∣ Ulscentem (et alibi) Ri

 8  ix, 370

 9  strepitus Ri ∣ sentirent] audirent Ri ∣ spissas Ri

 10  videntes et venientes Ri ∣ galeam vel scutum L Ra

 11  luna L ∣ iuvenis Ra

 11-12  ix, 376-377

 12  nullum eis responsum L nullum responsum ei Ra

 13  Ulces (et infra) L ∣ sociis suis L ∣ responsum ab eis Ri ∣ audire L

 14  eos] eo Ra fibraverunt] sybilaverunt Ri ∣ spissas Ri ∣ silva L silvarum Ri

 15  manu] lino Ri ∣ se om. Ra vel] et Ri

 16  Latini L luna L2 Latinia Ri ∣ a dea omniumque sidera peto L ∣ a om. L Ra

 17  astam meam L Ra eventu] vento L Ra ∣ terra Ri

 18  asta L

 19  alio Ra ∣ misso iactavit L Ra ∣ alidit Ri ∣ tertium L Ra ∣ vicit et L

 20  contigerunt Ra

 22  opprimit L ∣ voce magna L magna om. Ri ∣ frater bone L

 23  ome post amice add. Ri

 24  comprimi Ra ∣ invaserat Ri ∣ maluit eum L

 25  suo om. Ri ∣ occidere L occideri Ra seque] se L om. Ra ∣ qui assum Ra

 25  ix, 427

 1  o Rutili- potuit rasit L2 nec ausus] neci usus Ra nec casus Ri

 1-2  ix, 427-429

 2  ab hostibus Ra

 3  ambo post hostibus L

 4  luce] albe L Ra

 5  luctum Ri ∣ magnus L magnum Ri

 7  Et ista disputantes Ri

 8  capita MSS ∣ commiserat L

 9  hii] qui L ∣ istud om. Ri Et] Qui Ri

 10  ipsas L ∣ astas L ∣ secum in hasta Ra ∣ et ad Ra

 11  ostenderent L

 12  perrexit Ri dum] cum Ra

 13  per muros se Ri

 14  castram L castrum Ri

 15  castram turbata videre L ∣ tradere illis Ri ∣ Dum atque Ri ∣ geruntur Ra ∣ ecce om. Ri

 16  exercitus L ∣ quem -dederat] accepto ab Evandro et ab aliis civitatibus maritimis et aliis Pisa scilicet et Ilba et ceteris Ri Et filius-18 obvius] Quem dum Ascanius eiusdem filius venientem videret ei confestim parato exercitu Ri

 17  ut vidisset patrem suum L ∣ dimissa castra L

 18  obviam L ∣ Turnus atque Ri ∣ Turnus om. L Ra

 19  descendere] exire Ri Sed quia-22 se contulit] Sed nil valuit. Exercitus enim Enee recens et fortis erat. Turni autem exercitus pugna multum debilis et fragilis erat. Quapropter Eneas vicit. Turnus vero fugam iniens ad socerum eius Latinum morantem in Laurentina civitate velociter et sine mora aufugit Ri

 19  recentum exercitum L

 20  pugnandum debiles L ∣ existens Ra

 21  Laurentina L

 22  de post -posuit] post commissam pugnam ad navigium paucis diebus ire proosuit Ri

 23  cum quo filius Evandri fuit Pallas Ri ∣ etiam et L

 24  exercitum L ∣ et quia ipse Pallas necdum L

 1  expeditionem dederat Ra ∣ patri sui L

 2  eum om. Ri

 3  commendaverunt L Ra ut] et L ∣ Enean L

 4  cepit esse Ri

 5  Turnus] L deest ad p. 55, l. 2 ∣ veniret Ra

 6  auxilium Ri

 7  vii, 647-648

 7  fuit] erat Ri

 8  infeferebat Ri ∣ culpabiles inveniebantur Ri

 9  aperiret tumulum Ri ∣ mortui om. Ri

 10  fuit Ra

 11  ponebat Ri

 12  Et ubicumque fuerit Ri

 13  mala morte Ra ∣ supplicia] tormenta Ri

 14  inferebat] faciebat Ri

 15  deus est om. Ri ∣ telum commissibile librum Ra celum comisso libro Ri

 15-16  x, 773

 16  de om. Ra ∣ de ante gladio om. Ra ∣ et om. Ri

 17  petitus om. Ra

 18  auxilium Ri

 19  Etiam Camilla- venit om. Ra

 21  post -se] per aliquos dies quievit et se Ri

 22  perduxit Ra ∣ cum om. Ra

 23  pugnare et acerbe Ri

 25  brachilem (et alibi) Ri eo] eum Ri

 26  et cepit Ri

 27  et om. Ri ∣ pugnant Ri

 28  Arrons] Arontes Ri

 1  Turno Ra

 2  Feminis et non] Forte nimis Ra ∣ suberreticia Ri

 3  occulte Ra ∣ occidit Ri ∣ quia] que Ra ∣ Dina Ra silve] vel Ra

 4  a morte] mortem Ri ∣ Arontem om. Ra

 5  fulminem Ri

 7  Dum] Cum Ri

 8  esse debilem Ri ∣ vellens Ra ∣ liberare de morte Ri

 10  Turno om. Ra ∣ et om. Ri

 12  dari Ra ∣ ab om. Ri

 13  Iunonem] Iovem Ra ∣ cepit cepit Ri eum] iam Ra

 14  expectanti Ri ∣ fugiens Ri

 15  De] Dum Ri

 16  perduxit Ri ∣ subornavit] preparavit Ra

 18  navim Ri

 18-24  Cf. x, 663-664

 19  vellens Ra ∣ a morte Ri ∣ figura Ri ∣ te post eruerem Ri

 20  istam terram venire] ista reverti Ri

 22  Perge ergo Ri

 23  Draonis Ra

 24  ne ad- facias] ne huc ne istam amplius redeas et moriaris Ri

 26  quod et- pervenit om. Ri add. Ri1

 1 et dum- eruit om. Ra ∣ Mezentium Ri

 27  Turnum om. Ri ∣ fuisse de pugna Ri

 28  et se in pugna invalescere cepit Ri et se ei Mezentius] Mezentius vero se ei Ri

 29  in ilia asta percussit Ri

 1 et dum- eruit om. Ra ∣ Mezentium Ri

 2 vellens Ra ∣ qua- fluvio] quam Eneas inicerat in flumine Ri

 3 dum om. Ra ∣ veniret Ri armis] areno Ra

 4 arbore quercus] quercu Ri ∣ cepit -lavare] plagam levavit Ri

 5 Mezentis Ra ∣ Lausus om. Ri ∣ vellens Ra

 6 sui om. Ri ∣ pugnaturus Ri

 7 Cumque Ri

 8 Eneas om. Ri de hasta] lancea Ri ∣ et cecidit om. Ri Quem-10 ait] Ut atque hunc mortuum Eneas videret, dolens propter mortem illius iuvenis cuius adhuc nova lanugo vultus decorabat, comerisus [commiserus?] ad socios ait Ri

 10 perducite ut] deferte ne Ri

 11 non om. Ri ∣ tollentes socii ad matrem devenerunt Ri

 12 Et ita provenit ut om. Ri ubi] ibi Ra ∣ transissent om. Ri

 13 longe venientes Ra ∣ presens-portabant] continuo mens eius et tor quod erat sibi indicavit mortem sui filii Ri

 13-14  Cf. x, 843

 14 Qui- misit] Postquam ad eum delatus est, ac magno habito planctu et dolore ad matrem misit Ri

 16 vero -ductus] etiam dolore motus Ri ∣ et sic armis suis induitur Ri

 17 sicut] ut Ri ∣ iam om. Ri Et sibi imputare] Eique improperare Ri

 17-19  Cf. x, 861-866

 18 et equo suo multa loquitur Ri equum] eum Ra ut -imponeret] et torquem aureum in collo eius impositurum se promittit si cum capite Enee veniret Ri

 20 in equo suo manibus acutissimis iaculis honeratis Ri

 21 pedester venit obvius Ri ∣ Sicque ceperunt artificicse utrique spectantes exercitum pugnare ut duo artifices et ut duo in prelio thauri Ri

 23 Quid multa om. Ri ∣ Dumque sic artificiose ambo pugnarent Ri ∣ hasta Ra

 1  calce dolori Ra

 2  necari Ra se caruit Ri

 3-4  x, 897

 4  acer] iacer Ri

 5  ab uxore sua Ri

 6  deprecatur Ra

 8  qui] quia Ri

 9  caruerunt Ri

 10  ista] de hiis Ri

 11  Quia hostibus] Quatenus Ra

 12  parentibus suis Ra

 13  corpus -parentibus] corpus parentibus Pallantis Ri ∣ vimeneo] umenero et Ri

 14  etiam om. Ri ∣ consolarentur eius Ri

 14  Cf. xi, 61

 15  eius] ibat Ri

 16  eius om. Ri ∣ in obvia Ra

 17  occurrentes Ri

 18  postquam] post quod Ra

 19  et ad Ra

 20  producere ut eam] ut pro eo Ri ∣ eum Ra

 23  perduxerat intrasset Ri

 24  inter Ra ∣ ad semetipsum om. Ri

 25  Et perdere habeo] Ut puto perdam Ri sponsam] uxorem Ri annos desponsavi] habui Ri

 26  dum om. Ra ∣ cogitaret Ri inscio- iterato ad] furore areptus patre suo scilicet Drauno ignorante ad Ri

 27  socero suo repetivit Ra ubi- Sunt] quem postquam Latinus venientem videret doluit tunc tunc suscepit et increpavit eum dicens sint Ri ∣ veniens Ra

 1  regna tibi Ra ∣ sunt oppida- tui om. Ri

 1  xii, 22

 2  filiam meam ut Ra sic respondit] ait Ri

 3  primam gerens] prima ieris Ri ∣ ut om. Ri

 3  xii, 48-49

 4  factum] habitum Ri est ut] est et Ra et Ri

 5  Trace Ra ∣ auxilium Ra ∣ dirigeret Ri

 6  Venolus (et alibi) Ra

 7  pugnavis Ra

 9  fortissima] fratres Ri

 10  fuit] sit Ri

 11  haberent Ri ∣ destrueretur] aditeretur Ra

 12  non do auxilium Ri ∣ auxilium et remedium qualiter et cum eo pacem habeatis Ri

 14  a] cum Ri ∣ rege esset Ri ∣ Latinum sub Ra

 15  ad nos om. Ra

 16  revertetur Ri mandemus ad Eneam] mittamus Enee Ri ∣ diebus Ri

 17  ad om. Ri

 19  ducentes om. Ra quod] qui Ra

 20  centum scilicet Ri

 21  fuit -Drances] fuit inter omnes elegans vir Drancis Ra quidam vir fuit elegans Drancens Ri ∣ venirent Ra

 22  concedas sibi Ri

 23  quatenus] qualiter Ra ∣ campo sunt colligatur Ri Quos] Quod Ra

 24  que] qua Ra ∣ duxerant Ri

 25  quos] ut Ri ut pax esset] in pace Ri Tamen sic] Et Ri legatis] letis Ra respondit] taliter locutus est dicens Ri

 26  forte om. Ri ∣ voluntati mee Ra ad vestram terram] vobiscum Ri

 27  admonitus ex om. Ri ∣ quia oportet me hoc regnum retinere sed vellem Ri

 1  vellens Ra

 2  dicatis Ri ∣ vexetur Ra vetet Ri

 3  hominis albuisse vel] plenos ut Ri ∣ sanguinem humanum Ra humano sanguine Ri

 4  fuisset satiata Ra ∣ unus ad unum om. Ri ∣ et -pugnemus om. Ra

 5  parem suum deiecerit] victor fuerit Ri ∣ eum om. Ra

 6  cum] dum Ri ∣ Eneas om. Ra

 7  propositio Enee] dictum Ri

 9  consedisset Ri ∣ et om. Ri

 10  pro agnoscenda corpora Ri

 11  campum Ra in] vel Ra

 12  se om. Ra ∣ magnos solvissent Ri

 14  in campum Ri

 15  Drancis (et alibi) Ra Draces (et alibi) Ri ∣ fuerat Ra fuerunt Ri

 17  in exercitu Ri

 18  promissum Ri ∣ dederat Ra ∣ una conditione Ri ∣ preponere Ra

 19  ad] contra(?) Ri

 21  ipsum om. Ra

 23  contra se turbatus vultus Ra econtra turbido vultu Ri

 24  subiacere] me morte dare Ra

 25  exibimus Ra

 27  coniunx] uxor Ri ∣ animent vires Ri

 26-27  xi, 371-373

 28  regem om. Ri

 1  Diomede Ri

 2  nuntiatum Diomedis regis Ra ∣ obtulit Ri

 5  suorum om. Ra ∣ consistorium Ra

 6  renuntiasset Ri ∣ deficit Ri

 7  Latinis Ra ∣ Quid multa om. et in marg. add. Ri

 11  et om. Ri ∣ scalas ibique Ri ∣ urbs intrata fuisset Ra

 12  Eneas ista Ri

 13  de se facientes Ra

 14  et om. Ra

 15  tumultationem Ri

 16  per unam virginem filiam Ri

 17  tantus MSS ∣ per eam Ri

 18  secum] inter se Ri ∣ in om. Ra

 19  intra Ri ∣ hoc -mandaretur om. Ra

 20  ut] et Ra

 21  ut] et MSS

 22  se cum Turno Ra concessit] consensit Ri

 23  ad ante sacramentum om. Ra ∣ primum sibi presentem Latino occurrerunt Ra

 24  peteriunt Ra ∣ proprio Ra

 27  Venit om. Ra ∣ constituta Ri ∣ ad aras Ra ∣ de ecclesia et lauro atque mirto Ri

 29  preparata Ri ∣ coronatus Ra corona Ri

 30  gestatus Ra ∣ sedens om. Ra

 2  armilugo gestans Ri

 3  calcis] alca Ra altas Ri

 4  ad ante aras om. Ra

 5-7  xii, 176-177

 6  penes quam] penus quem Ra om. Ri ∣ tantus Ra

 7  sic om. Ri ∣ vixeris Ri

 8  regem] honorem Ri meos proprios] minus Ra

 9  vindicas] vincam Ri ∣ facio Ra

 10  in] Ri deest ad p. 54, l. 16 ∣ ipsa Ra

 12  excubias] scubias Ra

 16-17  Cf. xii, 266-267; 319-320; 813-815

 3  utrumque] uterque Ra

 23  XII, 59

 27  xii, 70-71

 28-29  Cf. xii, 72-80

 29  xii, 75 Idmon

 31-32  xii, 894-895

 32  hostes Ra

 33  ei] et Ra

 11 ipso post veniret Ra

 12  Cf. xii, 906-907

 13 arvis] armis Ra ∣ bissena Ra

 13-14  xii, 898-900

 14 qualis Ra

 15 rapta Ra

 16 erecta] Ri rursus incipit

 17 Et] Qui Ri

 17  xii, 926-927

 18 ad sidera -dicens om. Ri

 18-19  xii, 936-937

 19 evicto tenere palmis Ra

 19-21  xii, 932-934

 20 senectute Ra

 21 miserere Ra

 22 deprecaretur Ri ∣ bracilencilem Ri

 22  Cf. xii, 941-943

 23 occiderat Ri ∣ brachilem Ri

 24 dixit ad Turnum Ri poteram] posse Ri

 25 tiranide om. Ri

 26 occidet te Ri

 27 ponens ei Ri

 28 fuisse om. Ri

 30 vero om. Ra ∣ civitatis om. Ra ∣ et ipse rex Latinus Ri

 31 cum om. Ri

 1  Eneas om. Ri ∣ in om. Ra ∣ et urbem Laviniam condidit post accepit add. Ri

 2  Latini] L rursus incipit ∣ Latini regis Ri ∣ regnum eius Ra

 3  urbem Laviniam] Laviniam civitatem L Lavinia Ra fluvium de equo] fluvio in eo quod L fluvium Eneo quod Ra ∣ descenderit Ra ∣ expreceptum L Ra

 4  Eneas om. Ri

 5  urbem Laurentinam Laviniam L

 6  in om. Ra ∣ obtineat L obtinuerit Ra

 7  ibidem Ra ∣ regnaret et Ri

 8  Laurentinam urbem L ∣ patri suo L Ra ∣ in fugam om. L Ra ∣ occulte in silvis Ra ∣ occultis Ri

 9  Et quia] Quia sic L Quem sic Ra ∣ pregnans L ∣ et add. L filius add. Ri post dimiserat

 10  de ea om. Ri ∣ Postumius (et alibi) L Ra ∣ Ascanium regnantem L Ra ∣ annos Ra

 11  adoluit L

 12  adoluisset L ∣ Albano L Ra ∣ ante L Ra ∣ Enee om. Ri

 13  ei om. Ri

 14  quia om. Ra

 15  et om. Ri

 16  Albano (et alibi) L Ra ∣ conderet Ri ∣ condidit et de L

 17  una om. Ra ∣ Lavinia om. Ri

 18  annos L ∣ Iulius (et alibi) Ra om. Ri ∣ regno L ∣ voluit obtinere L Ra

 19  venientem L Ra ∣ Postumium Ra ∣ in proelio cum L ∣ Albano Ri

 20  Albano inquiavit L ∣ regnum om. Ra Ri

 21  Enee filius L ∣ Iulus om. Ri

 22  Laurentinam L Lavinum Ra ∣ privatizari Ra

 23  multi diversi L ∣ potita quadringentos triginta annos L

 25  glorie gentes L Ra

 26  duobus filiis L Ra procreavit] genuit Ri ∣ Mimitorem (et alibi) Ri

 27  testamento suo Ri

 1  pecunia-obtinuisset] pecuniam protinus tulisset et alter regnum susciperet L pecunia potitus fuisset et alius regnum Ra ∣ Amulius vero L Amilius (et alibi) enim Ri

 2  electionem dedit quid] sic dereliquit et qui Ri ∣ desideraret accipere si L

 3  Numitus L ∣ delectatur L

 4  obtinuit consuluit Ra

 5  Numitori fratri suo L fratris sui Numitoris Ra Mimitoris fratris Ri ∣ occidetur Ri

 6  Et om. L ∣ nascerent Ra

 7  fratri L

 8  fratri L

 9  silva L De Rea] Ream L Ra

 10  consilii L Ra ∣ fratri L ∣ Eam-esset om. L Ra

 11  filios Ri ∣ procreare Ra procreasset Ri ∣ ut et Ri

 12  non esset nemo L ∣ fratri L eius qui eum] sui quem ipse Ri ∣ ei om. Ri

 13  occiderat Ra ∣ eam tradidit templo Marti ad serviendum castitatis post occideret add. L ∣ in om. Ra ∣ templum L Ra ∣ deservire et Martis L serviret Martis Ra

 14  amore L Ra irruit] exarsit Ri ∣ strupravit Ri ∣ strupro Ra Ri stupro Ra1 ∣ concipit L et nati -frater eius] natique sunt ei duo filii Romulus et Remus, qui Romulus conditor urbis Rome fuit Ri

 16  patruus] patribus L

 17  ex om. Ri ∣ divina providentia Ri

 18  super ora] superiora Ri

 19  veniebant ad fluvio L ∣ bibendum L

 20  eis om. Ra ∣ docila Ra tutelam Ri

 21  hoc] hec Ri ∣ recitat seu iactitat Ri ∣ nutrisset L

 22  et inde Ra ∣ Fastulo (et alibi) Ri ∣ fuit post montibus Ri

 23  Acce] Bacce (et alibi) Ri ∣ nutriendo Ri

 24  lupanar L Ri

 26  manum vagorum] manuvacorum L Ra ∣ colligerent L colligerunt Ra

 1  exercitum om. Ra ∣ ad eos exercitum L

 2  productionem L ∣ occidebatur Ra

 4  Amilione Ri

 6  fundaret] ceperunt Ra

 7  nemo om. Ri ∣ dabant L Ra dat Ri

 8  cuius] non legi potest Ra ∣ Sabienses Ra Savinienses (et alibi) L Ri

 9  suis om. Ri ∣ petierunt inter eos esse L petierunt -ibi] non legi potest Ra ∣ Et dum-Sabinienses] Et dum ad dedicationem venissent, vino inebriati sunt et rapuerunt sibi singuli filias Savinorum in uxores. Et dum hoc cognovissent Savinienses et videssent quia sibi eas iuncxissent L ∣ filie Ra

 12  producerent Ri

 13  die L ad se utrique] seque Ri

 14  eos om. Ra

 16  vero om. Ra

 17  balare] flebant Ri

 18  firmaverunt L

 19  in regem Ri

 21  Romulus L Romulum Ra ∣ raptum L

 22  suscipit L ∣ Neuma Polimius Ra Numina Pamfilius Ri

 23  regnare ceperunt] regnaverunt Ri ∣ Cesare Augusto quia L

 24  Quadringesimo L Quadregesimo Ri

 25  anno secundo Ri ∣ regni eius om. Ra

 26  In cuius octavo L

 27  Post mortem -finitum] Post vero Mimitoris apud Albanos civitas subdita est Ri

 28  et ad- esse om. Ri ∣ Albano L Ra

 29  Explicit Excidium Troie] Finit expositio deo gratias amen L Explicit liber Eneidum Ri

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 58 ]] 


 [3, 2] dicere habes] This idiom, clearly an example of the combination that led to the Romance future tense, is the redactor’s regular formula for introducing, in the popular catechistic form, mythological or biographical material extraneous to his narrative. It occurs in ET only in such contexts, except that Ra once reads ‘perdere habeo’ (48, 25).

 [3, 4] Nereo patre et Ida matre] This seems to be the redactor’s original etymology. The Nereids were daughters of Nereus and Doris. Cf. Mythographus Vaticanus i, 208 and Ovid, Metamorphoses ii, 268-269. ‘This absurd etymology, based on a faulty form [Nereidarum for Nereidum], clearly belongs to the redactor working with an already corrupted text.’ Oldfather, ‘Notes on the Excidium Troie,Speculum, xi, 273.

 [3, 7] Oldfather (‘Notes,’ p. 273) proposes ‘hec fabula iactitat,’ etc. But all three MSS agree on ‘hoc,’ and both its position and its use to anticipate a following subordinate sentence element agree with the redactor’s idiom. Cf. ‘Hoc dum Thetis mater eius videret quia iam arma poterat tractare’ (11, 1-2).

 [3, 8-11] Jupiter’s love for Thetis and the prophecy which prevented their union are told in Apollonius Rhodius, Argonautica iv, 790 ff.; Apollodorus, The Library iii, xiii, 5; Hyginus, Fabulae 54; Myth. Vat. i, 207 and ii, 205 (Supp., p. 372); and Fulgentius, Mithologiae iii, 7. According to Myth. Vat. the fata give the warning; in Apollon. it is Themis; in Hyg. it is Prometheus. Apollod. mentions both Prometheus and Themis.

 [3, 11-16] The wedding of Peleus and Thetis is recounted in Apollod., Lib. iii, xiii, 5; Apollon., Argon. iv, 805 ff.; Hyg., Fab. 92; Myth. Vat. i, 208 and ii, 205 (Supp.); Fulgent., Mith. iii, 7; and Colluthus, Rape of Helen 17 ff. The ancient Cypria, according to Proclus (Chrestomatheia i), makes this wedding the scene of the first strife.

3, 14 The first of several lacunae in L, doubtless due to loss of leaves from the MS (cf. E. A. Lowe, Scriptura Beneventana plate xxv), begins at ‘Discordia’ and extends through ‘descenderet’ on 5, 25.

 [3, 15-16] The Apple of Discord appears in Myth. Vat. i, 208; Hyg., Fab. 92; Colluthus, Rap. Hel. 59 ff.; Lucian, Deorum dialogi 20, i and Dialogi marini 5; and Fulgent., Mith. iii, 7. Proclus’ summary of the Cypria contains a brief account of the strife in which, however, the apple is not mentioned. Hyg. does

 [[ Print Edition Page No. c ]] 

Figure 4

Ra 83v, p. 19, l. 26-p. 23 l. 1

 [[ Print Edition Page No. 59 ]] 

not mention the inscription or the fact that the apple was of gold. Fulgent. says merely: ‘Discordia malum aureum iecisse dicitur.’ Colluthus has Eris procure the apple from the Garden of the Hesperides; there is no mention of an inscription. The closest parallel to our account seems to be Myth. Vat.: ‘Quae [Discordia] irata malum aureum in convivium iecit, inscriptum pulcherrimae deae donum. Quo collecto, inter Iunonem et Minervam, et Venerem certamen est ortum, quae Iovem iudicem petierunt.’

 [3, 24] ‘Before Quibus some inquiry as to who the judge should be, has obviously been omitted by the redactor.’ Oldfather, ‘Notes,’ p. 274.

 [4, 1-5] Hecuba’s evil dream occurs in Ovid, Heroides xvi, 43 ff.; Dictys, Ephemeridos Belli Troiani iii, 26; Myth. Vat. ii, 197; Hyg., Fab. 91; Servius, Aen. vii, 320 and x, 705; Apollod., Lib. iii, xii, 5; Tzetzes, Antehomerica 39 ff. It is alluded to in Euripides, Troiades 920 ff. In all these accounts except Hyginus and Dictys Priam knows about the dream. Tzetzes gives a fuller account of the interpretation of the dream. Apollo tells Priam that Mars will destroy the city if the lad is allowed to reach the age of thirty. Priam accordingly sends him to the fields to be educated.

 [4, 2] Cf. Du Cange, circuo.

 [4, 6] Oldfather (‘Notes,’ p. 274) believes that the text is corrupt, having been patched to accommodate ‘augurium,’ originally a marginal gloss. But the text, which we take to mean that in the person of Paris the evils prophesied would be removed from Troy, is by no means impossible, particularly to our redactor.

 [4, 8-9] Hyg., Fab. 91: ‘. . . [eum] pastores pro suo filio repertum expositum educarunt eumque Parim nominaverunt.’ According to Apollod., Lib. iii, xii, 5 Paris was exposed by the servant Agelaus. Five days later Agelaus found the child being nursed by a bear, took him up, and reared him as his own. Hyg. does not list Paris among those ‘qui lacte ferino nutriti sunt’ (Fab. 252). In Myth. Vat. ii, 197 Paris is not exposed; his mother sends him secretly to a shepherd to be reared.

 [4, 11-19] Hyg. also mentions Paris’ favorite bull: ‘habuit taurum in deliciis’ (Fab. 91)—but here the similarity ceases. Priam, according to Hyg., wants a bull for the celebration of Paris’ funeral games; the servants lay hold of Paris’ pet and lead him away. On learning this Paris follows them to Troy. We find no classical parallels to the story of the bull fights; yet it seems too closely connected with the rest of the account to have been an invention of the author.

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4, 26 The original ‘comperendinavit’ of Ra is clearly correct, although it has been deleted and ‘procrastinavit’ substituted in the margin. Doubtless the scribe, not knowing the rare ‘comperendinavit,’ took the easy course of altering the text. Cf., for a similar erroneous ‘correction,’ the substitution of ‘subtulta’ for ‘sublata’ (11, 15).

4, 29 consanctio] Almost certainly the original word, although it is not listed in the standard lexicons.

4, 29-30 The story here agrees with Ovid, Her. xvi, 81-82; Colluthus, Rap. Hel. 143 ff.; Lucian, Deor. dial. 20, 12; and Apollod., Epitome iii, 2 in having Minerva offer strength in battle. In Myth. Vat. i, 208 and Hyg., Fab. 92 she offers knowledge: ‘omnium artium scientiam.’

4, 32-5, 1 This offer by Juno seems to be unparalleled. In Ovid, Her. xvi, 81; Hyg., Fab. 92; and Apollod., Epit. iii, 2 she offers kingdoms; in Myth. Vat. i, 208; Colluthus, Rap. Hel. 148 ff.; and Lucian, Deor. dial. 20, 11 her bribe is the realm of Asia.

 [5, 3] Oldfather’s emendation is undoubtedly correct. The reading ‘dea armorum et pugne’ is supported by a number of related vernacular accounts. Cf. especially Trójumanna Saga (Annaler for Nordisk Oldkyndighed, iv, p. 22): ‘[Frigg] býðr honum mikla speki ok sigr í orrostum (hon var orrostu guð)’; Istorietta Trojana (Gorra, Testi Inediti, p. 382): ‘Madonna Pallas gli promise, con ció sia cosa che ella sia dea di battalglie, che gli darebbe senno e vigore.’

5, 5 Cf. Colluthus, Rap. Hel. 155 ff., where Aphrodite likewise bares herself before Paris in order to display her beauty. Traditionally, all the goddesses were nude; in Lucian, Deor. dial. 20, 9 Paris specifically asks the goddesses to undress. Thus also in Guido, Historia Destructionis Troiae vi (p. 62).

 [5, 6] The most unfeminine promise of Ri (‘dabo pulchriorem me uxorem’) is probably an attempt to make grammatical Latin out of the redactor’s regular idiom of using the comparative for the superlative, perhaps a Gallicism parallel to that of ‘in parthenos’ (9, 20).
In the Cypria, according to Proclus, Aphrodite specifically offers Paris the hand of Helen. Such also is her offer in Apollod., Epit. iii, 2; Colluthus, Rap. Hel. 164 f.; Lucian, Deor. dial. 20, 13-16; Hyg., Fab. 92; and Ovid, Her. xvi, 83 ff. In Myth. Vat. i, 208 she offers whatever woman he wants.

 [5, 11-13] The original text must have run: ‘. . . exierunt cum magno dolore. Quod iudicium fecit,’ etc. The redactor or a later scribe inserted, not too happily, the Virgilian lines; and Ra or his predecessor changed ‘exierunt’ to ‘dixerunt.’

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 [5, 27] ff. This story of the athletic contests is considerably fuller than that given in known classical sources. Servius, Aen. v, 370 summarizes the episode thus: ‘Sane hic Paris secundum Troica Neronis fortissimus fuit, adeo ut in Troiae agonali certamine superaret omnes, ipsum etiam Hectorem. Qui cum iratus in eum stringeret gladium, dixit se esse germanum: quod adlatis crepundiis probavit qui habitu rustici adhuc latebat.’ An almost identical summary is given in Myth. Vat. ii, 197. Hyg., Fab. 91 gives a brief account in which it is Deiphobus who threatens to slay Paris, and Cassandra who reveals his identity. H. Dunger quotes a marginal gloss which he found in an old edition of Ovid’s Heroides (Venice, 1482) in which, as in ET, it is the shepherd who reveals Paris’ identity: ‘Paris palaestra et sagittatione valuit: qua Hector superatus: ira percitus Paridem trucidasset: nisi sibi fratrem a pastore regio, qui illum educaret, esse agnovisset.’ See Die Sage vom trojanischen Kriege (Leipzig, 1869) p. 47. The story of the plot against Paris and his rescue by his foster-father has, so far as we know, no parallel in extant classical sources.

 [5, 28] campestriarii] Probably wrestlers. Cf. campestre, ‘a wrestling apron’ (Harper), and the palaestra of the preceding note.

6, 1 ‘Noteworthy is casa for the royal box in the circus. The only instance cited for this usage in the Thesaurus Linguae Latinae is in Corippus (565-7 A.D.), but the citation is incorrectly given here as Ioh. 2, 413 instead of Iust. 2, 413.’ Oldfather, ‘Notes,’ p. 275.

 [6, 21] One is tempted to write ‘de agnito filio <a patre> vel a matre.’ Perhaps, however, the redactor meant that the son had been recognized even by the mother who so unnaturally exposed him after his birth.

7, 7 ff. The whole story of Hesione is found in Dares (De excidio Troiae) and his derivatives. Jason and Hercules lay waste the kingdom of Laomedon because he had mistreated them when the Argonauts landed at Troy on the way to Colchis. The unfortunate Hesione is carried away into concubinage and given to Telamon. Dares’ version of Priam’s attempt to regain her differs from ET in having Priam first send the pathetic Antenor to demand her return. After Antenor has been scorned and driven away by the Greeks, Priam sends Paris, not to demand Hesione, but to capture a Grecian lady who may be exchanged for her. Servius, Aen. x, 91 gives a short account of Hesione’s capture by Hercules. No mention is made of Antenor; but Priam sends Paris to capture a Grecian lady of high birth, ‘aut uxorem regis, aut filiam.’

 [7, 20] ff. The account of Paris’ residence in Greece corresponds to Dares, De excid. Tr. ix in having Menelaus absent at the time of Paris’ arrival. In the Cypria, according to Proclus, Chrest. i, Menelaus greets his guests, then departs
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for Crete, foolishly allowing Helen to take charge of the visitors. In Apollod., Epit. iii, 3 Menelaus entertains Paris for nine days; on the tenth he goes to Crete to perform obsequies for his mother’s father Catreus. Colluthus, Rap. Hel. 383-384 and Ovid, Her. xvi, 301 likewise place Menelaus in Crete during the abduction.

7, 22 gestatu] ‘On an excursion’—cf. Forcellini, Tot. Lat. Lex.

7, 25 Cf. Lucian, Deor. dial. 20, 15, where Venus (at the judgment) offers to send her two pages, Desire and Love, to insure that Helen fall in love with Paris.

 [7, 27] Cf. ‘serpita amore’ (8, 7). Apparently ‘stung,’ perhaps from serpens. Cf. Oldfather, ‘Notes,’ p. 275. But elsewhere (13, 3; 32, 24) the word must mean ‘to crawl.’

8, 7 The conversations attendant upon this too-facile seduction may be an original contribution. Yet they find some curious parallels in Colluthus, Rap. Hel. 268 ff., where Helen praises Paris’ beauty and asks who he is; he replies that he is a Trojan, son of Priam, and that he has come in accordance with Venus’ promise. Helen answers that she is willing to be abducted, since Venus wishes it.

8, 30 ff. In Dares, De excid. Tr. x Paris despoils the temple of Apollo but seems to spare the family jewels. This robbery, however, is part of the classical tradition. In the Cypria (Proclus, Chrest. i) Helen and Paris put great treasures on board and sail away by night. Cf. also Tzetzes, Antehom. 129 ff. and Apollod., Epit. iii, 3, where the guilty pair take stolen treasures with them.

 [9, 17-18] This prophecy is not related by Statius; the Greeks seek Achilles merely because they have heard of his fame. Cf. Apollod., Lib. iii, xiii, 8, where Calchas declares that Troy cannot be taken without Achilles.

 [9, 20] in parthenos] ‘In the likeness of a virgin’—cf. ‘in Martem’ (35, 2) and ‘in Arpalice’ (27, 12; 34, 25). A strikingly similar phrase is to be found in the title of a fourth-century poem: ‘Verba Achillis in parthenone’ (see above, p. xviii, n. 38). The lack of inflection in our text is to be expected; cf. ‘in Tenedos’ (14, 1). It is possible that the redactor thought ‘parthenos’ to be the name of a place. However, the use of in to mean ‘in the likeness of’ was common in early French. See Godefroy, Dict. de l’anc. lang. fran. (Paris, 1881—). Note especially this quotation from Palsgrave, mentioned by Godefroy, where en signifies not manner of acting (parler en ami) but physical appearance as in ET: ‘Ulysses se habilla en mercier. Il porte les cheveulx en Allemant.’ Fred. Shears, Recherches sur les prépositions dans la prose du moyen fran. (Paris, 1921),
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gives other Old and Middle French examples. Cf. Meyer-Lübke, Gram. des langues romanes, tr. Doutrepont (Paris, 1900), iii, 455 and Georg Ebeling, ‘Historische französische Syntax,’ Kritischer Jahresbericht über die Fortschritte der Romanischen Philologie, v (1897-8), i, 203. According to these scholars the idiom is also Provençal; e.g., en fol. Ebeling cites some analogous Latin uses of in: Virgil, Aen. xi, 771, in plumam; Tacitus, Annal. 6, 42, in barbarum.
With the variant ‘parchimos’ (Ri) cf. ‘land of Parchy’ in the Seege of Troye (cited above, p. xlv, n. 21).

 [10, 2] ff. The story of the finding of Achilles among the virgins corresponds in a general way to Statius, Achilleid i, passim. The conversations may be partly original. The use of the form Odisseus seems to point to the use of an unknown and pedantic classical source (cf. Oldfather, ‘Notes,’ pp. 272 f.). Statius and all other Latin sources we have examined use only Ulixes. The finding of Achilles is also related briefly in Hyg., Fab. 96; Apollod., Lib. iii, xiii, 8; and Ovid, Met. xiii, 162 ff. In Statius it is Ulixes and Diomedes who find him; Hyg., Ovid, and Apollod. mention only Ulixes.

 [10, 8] ff. The sound of the horn played an important part in the finding of Achilles; Apollod., in fact, states merely that Achilles was discovered by the blast of a trumpet. Cf. Statius, Achil. i, 875-876: ‘. . . cum grande tuba sic iussus Agyrtes / insonuit.’ Cf. also Hyg., Fab. 96: ‘. . . et subito tubicinem iussit canere armorumque crepitum et clamorem fieri iussit.’

 [10, 19] Perhaps ‘cepit <Achilles> una’ should be read; but the abrupt, unindicated change of subject of the original text, apparently, and of Ri has parallels in ET, although it confused the scribe of Ra and perhaps of L.

10, 23 Apparently one sheet has dropped out of L at this point.

10, 24 ff. There are many widely differing conceptions of Achilles’ invulnerability. Homer never mentions the fact that he cannot be wounded, and gives every reason to believe that he can. According to Statius, Achil. i, 269-270; 480-481; Servius, Aen. vi, 57; and Myth. Vat. i, 36, Achilles is dipped in the Styx in order to make him impenetrable to steel. In Apollon. Rhod., Argon. iv, 869 ff. and Apollod., Lib. iii, xiii, 6 Thetis puts Achilles in the fire and anoints him with ambrosia in order to make him immortal. Peleus, seeing the child in the fire, sets up a howl, whereupon Thetis flees and plunges into the sea, to return no more.

10, 25 Achilles’ vulnerable heel is not mentioned by Statius or Ovid. Servius, Aen. vi, 57 says merely ‘. . . toto corpore invulnerabilis fuit, excepta parte qua tentus est,’ a statement found almost verbatim in Myth. Vat. i, 36. Fulgent.,
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Mith. iii, 7 says: ‘Denique Achillem natum velut hominem perfectum mater in aquas intinguit Stigias, id est: durum contra omnes labores munit; solum ei talum non tinguit.’

10, 26-27 Cf. above p. xlvi, note 24.

10, 27-28 Statius gives no account of this prophecy, although he hints at some such dark saying uttered by Proteus: ‘Agnosco monitus et Protea vera locutum’ (Achil. i, 32). Hyg., Fab. 96 says merely that Thetis knew that her son would perish if he went to Troy. Cf. Catullus lxiv, 323-381, where the Parcae sing the following prophecy of the life and death of Achilles: he would be the greatest of warriors but would one day die in battle.

11, 13 ff. The Briseis episode is to be found in Homer, Iliad i, passim. Brief accounts are also found in Apollod., Epit. iv, 1; Hyg., Fab. 106; and Myth. Vat. i, 209. The last also contains a seemingly contradictory version in which Achilles refuses to fight because he has been promised Polyxena in marriage (i, 211). So also in Dares, De excid. Tr. xxx.

pro Breseida probably represents propter Briseida, the Greek form of the accusative (as not uncommonly) retained, and pro substituted for propter.’ Oldfather, ‘Notes,’ p. 276.

11, 13-14 The story here is hardly understandable. Briseis and Chriseis were taken as spoils from one of the surrounding cities (Proclus, Chrest. i mentions Lyrnessus and Pedasus; Myth. Vat. i, 209, Thebas and Larnesus; Hyg., Fab. 106, merely ‘ex Mysia captivam’). Oldfather, ‘Notes,’ p. 276, suggests that something like ‘per munus expostulaverat’ would be a more sensible statement.

 [11, 17-19] In Hyg., Fab. 106 and Myth. Vat. i, 209 there is a brief account of the slaying of Patroclus, and Achilles’ revenge on Hector. There is, however, no mention of the prearranged duel.

 [11, 19-20] filio Neptuni] I. e., Cycnus, who, according to Proclus, was slain by Achilles when the Greeks first landed at Ilium. Ovid, Met. xii, 70 ff. gives a fuller account of Cycnus’ death. Afterward Neptune, grieving for his son, planned with Apollo to bring about the death of Achilles (580 ff.).

 [11, 20] ff. The death of Penthesilea is recorded (according to Proclus) in the ancient Aethiopis (attributed to Arctinus of Miletus). Accounts are also to be found in Quintus Smyrnaeus, The Fall of Troy i; Tzetzes, Posthomerica 194 ff.; Apollod., Epit. v, 1; Dictys, Ephem. iv, ii, iii; and Dares, De excid. Tr. xxxvi. In Dares it is Neoptolemus who kills her. According to the ancient account (Quint. Smyrn. gives the fullest version) Achilles, after striking down the
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Amazon maiden, is stricken with remorse. Thersites taunts him with having been in love with her, whereupon Achilles kills him for his foul insinuations. According to Apollod., Achilles actually fell in love with Penthesilea after her death. The author of our story here reveals the mental makeup of a Thersites.

 [11, 22] Memnon, son of Tithonus and Aurora, is the hero of the Aethiopis. He is represented as having led his Aethiopians into battle in support of Troy after the death of Penthesilea. The story in ET is compressed beyond the point of coherence, and the order of events is incorrect: Penthesilea and Memnon were slain after the death of Hector. See Proclus’ summary of the Aethiopis (Chrest. ii); also Quint. Smyrn., Fall of T. ii, 452-548; Tzetzes, Posthom. 234 ff., etc.

 [12, 2] ff. The ransom of Hector’s body by Priam is told in Homer, Iliad xxiv, passim. There is no mention, however, of Polyxena’s contribution. The story finds an almost exact parallel in Myth. Vat. ii, 205: ‘. . . rogatus a Priamo est ut sibi liceret exanime filii corpus pensatum recipere. Quo facto, Polyxena Hectoris soror in turre stans armillas et inaures illo quo fratris pensabatur corpus proiecit: qua visa Achilles, si sibi daretur, promisit ut hectoreum corpus redderet, et Troianos cum Graecis, reddita tamen Helena, pacificaret.’

 [12, 13] ‘Dicens,’ although ungrammatical, is probably original. The redactor probably relapsed unthinkingly into his usual formula for introducing a quotation.

 [12, 14-15] This sentence makes little sense, for the second clause seems to refer logically neither to Hector nor to Achilles. Oldfather (‘Notes,’ p. 276) prefers to believe that ‘dolorere’ in Ra represents an original ‘tolerare’ and that the sentence originally applied to Achilles. ‘The absurd dolorere, taken to be “sorrow for,” may have suggested fratris tui as a gloss on tantae iuventutis . . . and the words fratris tui deflect the relative quem from its proper antecedent. Consuetudinem, or something of the sort, needed to give a construction to iuventutis may have dropped out . . . The whole sentence would then have run: “Credimus quod debes tolerare <consuetudinem> tantae iuventutis contra quem nec unus hominum manum ausus est levare.” ’ The present text can be read only if we assume that the redactor thought of dolere as governing the genitive, perhaps by analogy with misereri, and that the clause ‘quem . . . levare’ is a bit of parental exaggeration. It is possible, however, that it reflects a pro-Trojan tradition according to which Achilles killed Hector by treachery and, in fact, gained all his victories unfairly. Cf. Guido, Hist. Destruct. Troiae xxii (p. 175) and especially xxvi (p. 206): ‘Attende, miser Homere, quod nunquam Achilles virum strennuum nisi proditorie interfecit.’

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12, 20 ff. The account of Achilles’ death resembles a number of classical versions, yet differs from all in having Achilles married to Polyxena and later betrayed by her. In Quint. Smyrn., Fall of T. iii, 53 ff. Apollo, angered by the audacity of Achilles, envelops himself in a cloud and shoots him in the ankle. In Proclus’ account of the Aethiopis (Chrest. ii) and also in Ovid, Met. xii, 604 ff. and Apollod., Epit. v, 3 Achilles is killed on the battlefield by Paris and Apollo. In Servius, Aen. iii, 321; Tzetzes, Posthom. 385 ff.; Dares, De excid. Tr. xxxiv; and Myth. Vat. ii, 205 Achilles promises to make peace if he is given Polyxena in marriage; a meeting in the temple is accordingly arranged, at which Achilles is killed. Tzetzes and Hyg. (Fab. 110) say that he is set upon by Paris and Deiphobus, while Myth. Vat. and Servius relate that he was shot by Paris from behind the statue, ‘. . . unde fingitur quod tenente Apolline Paris direxerit tela’ (Aen. vi, 57). In neither of these last two accounts is Achilles shot specifically ‘in talo.’

13, 5 This is the first of several short, redundant sentences which may well be the titles of marginal drawings in the archetype or a common ancestor of our MSS. Ri, incidentally, has such a drawing at this point, its title being written into the text.

 [13, 5] Oldfather (‘Notes,’ p. 273) points out that Eas is the other Aiax, or Aiax Oïleus. ‘Eas is merely Aias passing through the intermediary form Aeas. In Eace [above, 11, 27] we probably have Aeace from Aiace, the normal Latin form of Aias. The better known Telamonian had his name changed correctly to Aiax; in the case of the less prominent Locrian the name was not recognized and the treatment was inconsistent.’

13, 11 ff. Quint. Smyrn., Fall of T. vii, 169 ff. gives a full account of the fetching of Pyrrhus (Neoptolemus) from Scyros after his father’s death.

 [14, 1] ‘Tenedos,’ like ‘parthenos’ above, is considered indeclinable by our redactor.

14, 8-9 The building of the wooden horse is, of course, to be found in Virgil and numerous other sources. Most late medieval accounts follow Guido, Hist. Destruct. Troiae xxx (p. 230 ff.) in making it a horse of brass. For an extremely ornate horse see Tryphiodorus, The Taking of Ilium 57 ff., and Tzetzes, Posthom. 631 ff.

14, 11-13 This conversation is not in Aen. In some respects, it corresponds to Quint. Smyrn., Fall of T. xii, 238 ff. See above, p. lxii.

14, 13 See 14, 16 below.

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 [14, 16] Cf. Du Cange, pendex; Forcellini, Tot. Lat. Lex., pendix, ‘slope of a hill.’ Perhaps ‘ante pendacem cinctum,’ occurring here in the source, was misunderstood by the redactor as a formula describing Sinon and was therefore inserted meaninglessly at 14, 13 above. Note that L, which retains ‘pendacem’ above, here writes ‘pendicem’ as though the scribe were able to understand the word in this context. This interpretation is supported by Eneas (ed. de Grave, Paris, 1925-29), l. 950: ‘tot nu līé sor le fossé,’ and paralleled by Marlowe, Dido l. 445 (Works, ed. Brooke, Oxford, 1925): ‘Who groveling in the mire of Zanthus bankes.’ On the other hand, the phrase may possibly represent a popular idiom for ‘to blindfold,’ or may have been so interpreted. Ri at this point has a drawing of a blindfolded figure, presumably Sinon, beside the wooden horse. Cf. also Tróujmanna Saga p. 90: ‘hann [Sínon] hafði band fyri augum.’ Cf. p. lxvii.

 [15, 12] The extra sentence in L is probably not part of the original text, despite the perfect explanation of a scribal omission it provides by the repetition of ‘sanguine meo Apollini.’ It is too ungrammatical even for ET; and Virgil, who is being followed in this context, writes simply: ‘iamque dies infanda aderat’ (Aen. ii, 132).

15, 15-16 This is hopelessly corrupt. Apparently something has dropped out of the text.

 [15, 18] Obviously a gloss. Servius, Aen. iii, 3 explains that Troy was Neptune’s city because he and Apollo surrounded it with walls.

 [16, 16] Obviously a gloss on ‘leva.’ Here, as for the gloss on ‘angues’ below, the reason for the gloss is made apparent by the confused readings of L and Ri.

 [17, 15] On ‘somno vinoque’ Servius, Aen. ii, 265, comments: ‘. . . ostendere vult nihil magnum a Graecis factum quod obtinuerint civitatem’—a pro-Trojan conception certainly not apparent in ET.

 [17, 19] The scribes of Ra and Ri, although probably not the original redactor, apparently took Pelides and Neoptolemus for different men. Ra we take to represent the text of ET, Ri a correction by reference to the Aen.

 [17, 21] In Aen. ii, 255-256 the fleet signals to Sinon. ET follows most classical accounts in having Sinon lift a signal to the fleet. In Apollod., Epit. v, 19 and Tryphiod., Excid. Il. 510-511 he lifts his beacon from the grave of Achilles. Quint. Smyrn., Fall of T. xiii, 23 merely states that Sinon lifts a torch.

17, 23-24 This, and a similar sentence below (35, 9), may also be titles of
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illustrations that have crept into the text. The subject, however, seems unsuitable to a miniature.

19, 26 Note that this title of a miniature, like that of the death of Polyxena below, has twice crept into the text of both L and Ri.

 [20, 1-4] The sacrifice of Polyxena at the grave of Achilles is told, as we have stated above (lxii-lxiii), in Apollod., Epit. v, 23; Proclus’ summary of the Ilii Persis i; Quint. Smyrn., Fall of T. xiv, 209-328; Tryphiod., Taking of Ilium 686 ff.; Hyg., Fab. 110; Ovid, Met. xiii, 439-480; Dictys, Ephem. v, 13; Myth. Vat. ii, 205; and Servius, Aen. iii, 321. The events which led Pyrrhus to slay her are variously given, but it is agreed that she had betrayed his father, as in ET. Servius gives two versions: according to one (also given in Myth. Vat. ii, 205) it is Achilles’ dying request that Polyxena be killed: ‘Achilles moriens petiit, ut evicta Troia ad eius sepulcrum Polyxena immolaretur;’ according to the other, when the Greeks are preparing to depart, they hear a voice from the tomb of Achilles ‘querentis, quod sibi soli de praeda nihil impertivissent.’ Calchas therefore advises that they slay Polyxena so that the dead Achilles will get his share of the spoils. Quint. Smyrn., Fall of T. xiv, 185-222, tells that Achilles’ ghost speaks to Pyrrhus, and after some fatherly advice tells him that Polyxena must be sacrificed at his tomb as his share of the spoils; otherwise he will stir up storms and prevent their return. The burial of Polyxena in Achilles’ tomb is unclassical, and was probably inspired by the description of Mezentius’ tortures (45, 8-10). In Quint. Smyrn., Fall of T. xiv, 320-326 her body is given back to the Trojans and Antenor buries it near his home.

20, 7 The beginning of a ‘liber Eneydum’ at this point by Ri is a logical division of the story, but the adjoining sentences are inconsistent with this version of Polyxena’s death and are clearly an interpolation.

 [22, 8] evanuit] Possibly a gallicism; cf. Fr. s’évanouir, ‘to faint’ (Oldfather).

 [22, 24] non parva] Perhaps a mechanical repetition of the formula used above.

 [23, 17] Note the reappearance of ‘Odisseus’ (for Ulixes). On the significance of this form, see p. xviii.

 [23, 23] ff. In later classical tradition the Cyclopes were associated with Aetna and Vulcan, and were conceived of as smiths. In Apollon. Rhod., Argon. i, 509-511 and 730-734 they are given the task of forging the thunderbolts of Zeus. The setting of Euripides’ Cyclops is in Sicily, just below the volcano.

 [24, 23-25] There is no account of Anchises’ burial in Aen., and Servius (Aen. iii, 711) expresses wonder that none is given.

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 [25, 5] The scribe of Ra has here perhaps been influenced by one of Fulgentius’ insane etymologies: ‘Palinurus enim quasi planonorus, id est errabunda visio’ (Virgiliana p. 95). In Aen. it is Orontes and the Lycians who are drowned at this point; Palinurus is lost later (v, 833-871).

25, 9-15 In the Aen. Palinurus falls off the boat in his sleep during the journey from Sicily to Italy and is carried to Italy only to be killed by savages (v, 833 ff.). Aeneas meets him beside the Styx, and this passage is part of his plea that Aeneas either return and perform burial rites or conduct him personally to the lower world. The transference of these words to the drowning man is perhaps the worst ineptitude in this version of the story (Aen. vi, 364-371).

 [25, 12] The substitution of ‘nomine’ for ‘numine,’ almost inevitable where the MSS of ET have not been corrected by reference to the Aen., is doubtless a result of Christian phraseology.

 [26, 24] Abar] Used vaguely to designate a Punic city in Africa; cf. Forcellini, Tot. Lat. Lex. vii, 3.

 [26, 24] Cf. Festus, De verborum significatu: ‘Clipeum antiqui ob rotunditatem etiam corium bovis appellarunt’ (Oldfather). An original ‘clipeo’ may have been corrupted to ‘clipea’ to agree with ‘civitas.’

27, 8 Note the ‘dominus’ of L and Ri as another example of the influence of Christian habits of speech. Cf. also ‘Ergo gaudete; et in deo sperate’ below.

 [27, 12] Aen. i, 316-317 describes Venus as appearing ‘qualis equos Threissa fatigat Harpalyce volucremque fuga praevertitur Hebrum.’ The writer apparently thought ‘Arpalice’ a generic term for huntress. For the idiom ‘in Arpalice’ cf. ‘in parthenos’ (9, 20).

 [27, 14] ‘Comam capitis vinctam habens’ (Ra, Ri) is grammatically more attractive but contradicts Aen. i, 319: ‘dederatque comam diffundere ventis.’ Perhaps the archetype read ‘comam capiti vittam,’ and L, failing to understand the rare (and here very forced) construction, added ‘in.’

28, 19 ff. Although Virgil (Aen. i, 443-447) mentions the horse’s head, this explanation of it was no doubt taken from other sources. It differs from the accounts of Justin, Historia Philippicarum xviii, 5; Myth. Vat. i, 216; and Servius, Aen. i, 443 in stating that the horse’s head appeared in the sacrificial fire. In all the accounts mentioned the head is dug up during the excavation for the foundations of Carthage.

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29, 13 The fettering of the Trojans is not to be found in Virgil.

30, 17 ff. See above, pp. lxv-lxvi. Dido gives no such account of herself in Virgil, although part of it corresponds to Venus’ speech in Aen. i, 340 ff.

 [30, 23] in venatione] Aen. i, 349 has ‘ante aras.’ This was probably altered to conform to the later murder of Sergestus (Aegesthus) in a hunting party (56, 9).

30, 26-27 According to Servius, Aen. i, 363 Dido later throws these treasures overboard to avoid pursuit, ‘qua re visa sequentes reversi sunt.’ Justin, Hist. Phil. xviii, 4, however, tells that these were merely sacks filled with sand, which the pursuers took to be the treasures of Acerbas.

 [31, 3] This attempt to found Syracuse is not to be found in Virgil. Nor is it in Justin or Servius or Myth. Vat., although in Justin (Hist. Phil. xviii, 5) she attempts to settle in Cyprus, but leaves because of Pygmalion’s pursuit.

 [31, 9-10] The text seems hopeless here in all MSS, and must have been tampered with in some way. If ‘limare’ (Ra) should be regarded as sound, it would have to represent some such original form as ‘limaretur,’ which is needed to complete the clause beginning with ‘que,’ and which could, by scribal inattention, have been assimilated into the immediately following word ‘lineare.’ The archetype would then have read: ‘adversus quod corrigia que de corio tauri limaretur lineare potuit.’ On the other hand, ‘lineare potui’ (L) could be read if ‘corrigia que’ were regarded as an intrusion: ‘. . . adversus quod [corrigia que] de corio tauri lineare potui.’ Thus ‘potuit’ (Ra, Ri) could be regarded as an alteration to agree with the intruding ‘corrigia.’ The fact that Dido cut the bull’s hide into a narrow strip (‘corrigia’) is not stated in the Aen., but is to be found in other sources: Justin, Hist. Phil. xviii, 5; Myth. Vat. i, 214; and Servius, Aen. i, 367.

 [32, 22] Here Ra probably preserves the redactor’s version, badly garbled by L, although Ri follows Aen. i, 660: ‘incendat reginam atque ossibus implicet ignem.’

 [33, 26] After ‘famule’ L interrupts ET with eight folios (41-48v) of Dares Phrygius’ De excidio Troiae historia (corresponding to pp. 19, 21-36, 12 of Meister’s edition), which must have become separated from the text of Dares (called in L De exitu Troianorum) that immediately precedes ET. Fol. 49 resumes ET without interruption.

34, 22-23 See p. lx above for a discussion of the redactor’s apparent habit of quoting entire lines regardless of meaning or grammatical structure.

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 [34, 25] in Arpalyce] Cf. the notes to 9, 20 and 27, 12.

35, 16-20 The breaking of the quotation (Aen. iv, 206-208) with an extraneous line, common to all three MSS, seems to prove the failure of the redactor to understand the verses he quoted. It should be compared with his habit of writing in meaningless words to complete a verse (cf. p. lx).

 [36, 6] One is tempted to amend to ‘aëre’ and read ‘Cartaginem’ with L, Ri; but Mercury is said (Aen. iv, 260) to find Aeneas ‘fundantem arces,’ and the occurrence of the Greek form in this text is not improbable.

36, 19-20 Cf. Chaucer, Legend of Good Women 1325 ff.

 [37, 11] ‘Litrina’ (L, Ra) from ‘litrino’ (cf. ‘Liburno’). See Du Cange, lutrinus, from luter, ‘canthari aquarii,’ and cf. Gr. λουτ{#ή}ρ. ‘Urna electrina’ (Ri) must be simply a scribal revision.

37, 22-38, 17 This conversation with the ‘cives’ is entirely un-Virgilian. Although there are several accounts of Aeneas’ arrival in Italy, none is quite like this. Dionysius, Roman Antiquities i, 57-58, says that Latinus marched against Aeneas, but after a parley allowed him to settle and found Lavinium.

39, 2-5 Dionys., Rom. Antiq. i, 56 and Dio Cassius, Roman Hist. (according to Tzetzes on Lycophron’s Alexander v, 1232) tell that the sow broke from the Trojans’ boat on landing, ran to the top of the hill, and there bore a litter of thirty.

39, 8 The Seven Hills are not mentioned at this point in Virgil. Evander’s home was, more particularly, the Palatine, where Faunus allowed him to settle when he emigrated from Arcadia before the Trojan War. See Dionys., Rom. Antiq. i, 31.

 [39, 9] condita] Here, as above (see 33, 26), two folios (L 53, 54) from the text of Dares (containing pp. 9, 11-13, 5) interrupt ET. Note that ‘condita’ is completed on fol. 55 (‘condi’ 52v, ‘ta’ 55).

 [39, 12] According to Livy, i, iii; Dionys., Rom. Antiq. i, 66; Appian, Rom. Hist. i; and Myth. Vat. i, 202, it was Ascanius who founded Alba. It is therefore strange that this author should depart from Virgil (i, 267-271) in having Silvius found it.

39, 15-20 This assembly and farewell speech are not in the Aen. Cf. p. lxvi.

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 [41, 1] The paraphrase of Aen. x, 166-200, which Ri adds at this point was doubtless made by the scribe who corrected and enlarged some of the quotations and who must have been familiar with the Aen. Note that he has made one extensive change below (‘Evandro aliisque provinciis’) to support this insertion. He may well be responsible also for the considerable rewriting of the text for which no reason is apparent.

43, 19 There is no third time in Aen., although Nisus later (ix, 441-443) kills Volcens. Cf. lxvii above.

 [43, 24] is—evaserat] Undoubtedly a gloss on Nisus that has crept into the text at the wrong place.

 [45, 4] After ‘cepit’ begins the longest of the gaps in L, a gap which continues almost to the end of ET (55, 2). Apparently eight or nine folios have dropped out of the MS.

45, 23 ff. In Virgil this is the same battle that began upon the return of Aeneas.

46, 23 When the townspeople of Ostia describe Turnus just after Aeneas’ arrival in Italy, L and Ra give the form ‘Daunus,’ as in Virgil. From this point on both Ra and Ri call the father, incorrectly, ‘Draunus.’

 [47, 9-10] Ra seems to embody a hopelessly corrupt recollection of Aen. viii, 160: ‘tum mihi prima genas vestibat flore iuventas;’ and Aen. x, 324: ‘flaventem prima lanugine malas.’ Oldfather proposes ‘cui <malas> (or cui <genas>) mox . . .’ The text of Ri is obviously, we think, a drastic scribal rewriting.

 [47, 16] plagas—calcavit] This detail is not in Aen.

 [52, 10] Ri omits from ‘contigit ut’ to ‘Eneas erecta hasta post Turnum impetum fecit’ (54, 16). The gap occurs in the middle of a grammatically complete sentence in the middle of Ri 71v. There is therefore no possibility of a loss of leaves from Ri, although something of the sort must have happened to a MS from which Ri is derived. The alternate hypothesis, that Ra transmits a lengthy addition, is possible, but improbable in view of the fact that the passage in question seems to be stylistically consistent with the rest of ET and contains important incidents at the very climax of the entire story.

 [52, 14] <vid> es] A blot makes the first three letters of this word illegible in Ra.

 [53, 18] After ‘diebus’ something must have fallen out of the text, although Ra shows no signs of any omission.

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54, 29 Of course the Aeneid ends at this point, although some of the following events are forecast in i, 257-296, and vi, 756-853. The facts that Aeneas married Lavinia, obtained the kingdom, and founded Lavinium, are related in a number of sources. According to versions given in Livy, i, i; Dionys., Rom. Antiq. i, 59-63; Tzetzes on Lycoph. v, 1232; Zonaras, Epit. 7, 1; and Appian, Rom. Hist. i (according to Photius), Aeneas marries and builds the city before the battle with Turnus and the Rutuli. Ovid, Met. xiv, 449-451 and Myth. Vat. i, 202 agree with Virgil in having Aeneas first defeat Turnus.

55, 3-4 This is an incoherent reference to the death of Aeneas, concerning which there are several traditions. Livy, i, ii; Appian, Rom. Hist. i; and Tzetzes on Lycoph. v, 1232 tell that he was killed in battle with the Rutuli. According to Dionys., Rom. Antiq. i, 64; Myth. Vat. i, 202; and Servius, Aen. i, 259 he disappeared near the river Numicus, and was either drowned or translated into a god. Ovid, Met. xiv, 600-608 prefers the latter conception; Venus has his mortal part washed away in the river and receives him into heaven. So also Maphaeus Vegius, in his Thirteenth Book of the Aeneid, 623-630.

55, 4 Virgil (Aen. i, 261-266) may intimate that Aeneas is to rule but three years. However, Servius (Aen. i, 265) prefers to believe that this passage means three years will elapse before Aeneas founds Lavinium. Three years, however, is the length of his reign in Appian, Rom. Hist. i, i, Myth. Vat. i, 202, and every other source we have examined.

55, 8 The flight of Lavinia from Ascanius is not related in Livy or forecast in Virgil, although both (Livy i, iii; Aen. vi, 765) tell that Silvius was born in the woods. Accounts of her flight and the birth of Silvius are found in Myth. Vat. i, 202; Dionys., Rom. Antiq. i, 70; and Servius, Aen. i, 270. In Livy, Silvius is the son of Ascanius, rather than his brother, as in the other accounts.

 [55, 10-11] In Dionys., Rom. Antiq. i, 70 Ascanius rules 38 years.

55, 12 Ascanius himself was the traditional founder of Alba. Virgil, Aen. i, 267-271; Dionys., Rom. Antiq. i, 66; Livy, i, iii; and Dio, Rom. Hist. (Tzetzes on Lycoph. v, 1232) tell that he founded it 30 years after the founding of Lavinium. This, of course, is the significance of the white sow with 30 young.

 [55, 21] According to most mythographers, Ascanius rather than Postumus Silvius ruled in Alba. Myth. Vat. i, 202 states that he allowed Lavinia to rule Lavinium.

 [55, 22] Livy, i, iii; Dionys., Rom. Antiq. i, 70; and Dio (according to Tzetzes and Zonaras) all state that Silvius rather than Ascanius’ son Iulus was chosen
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king. Dionys. relates that although Iulus sought the kingship and was rejected, he was given a certain holy power and honor. It hardly seems that this is implied in ‘privatizare.’

 [55, 23] diversi reges] According to Livy, i, iii they were: Aeneas Silvius, Latinus Silvius, Alba, Atys, Capys, Capetus, Tiberinus, Agrippa, Romulus Silvius, Aventinus, Proca.

 [55, 27] ff. This account of the division of Procas’ estate is evidently a compressed version of that found in Plutarch, Romulus iii, in which Amulius gives his brother a choice of riches or kingdom. Numitor chooses the kingdom, but Amulius later takes it away from him. Most versions merely state that Amulius usurped the kingdom, which rightfully belonged to Numitor—e.g., Livy, i, iii; Myth. Vat. i, 30; Ovid, Met. xiv, 772-775; Dionys., Rom. Antiq. i, 71.

 [56, 6-7] Sergestus] His correct name is Aegestus. The redactor no doubt confused him with Sergestus, the companion of Aeneas (Aen. i, 510, etc.).

 [56, 7] ff. The mother of Romulus and Remus is variously denominated as Ilia, Silvia, and Rhea. The account here given of the plot against Numitor’s offspring is essentially the same as that contained in Servius, Aen. i, 273; Myth. Vat. i, 30; Livy, i, iii; Plutarch, Rom. iii; Dionys., Rom. Antiq. i, 76; Appian, Rom. Hist. i; and Dio (Tzetzes on Lycoph. v, 1232). Only the last of these, however, mentions the definite prophecy that Amulius would be killed by Numitor’s issue.

56, 13 ff. Livy (i, iv) is very skeptical about the belief that Mars was the father of Ilia’s twins. So also are Plutarch (Rom. iv), and Dionys. (Rom. Antiq. i, 77), both of whom seem to suspect Amulius himself. The account of the infancy of Romulus and Remus is orthodox and practically universal.

56, 20-21 This is distorted, but evidently the remnant of a quite scholarly and critical attitude toward fables. Plutarch at this same point (Rom. iv) says that both a she-wolf and a woodpecker were said to have fed the twins; and since both creatures were sacred to Mars, the belief was accepted that Mars was the father of Ilia’s children. See also Myth. Vat. i, 30: ‘et constat hoc animal esse in tutela Martis.’

56, 23-24 The more skeptical mythographers and historians discredited the she-wolf story by explaining that Acca Laurentia was a whore (called in Latin slang lupa, whence lupanar, ‘brothel’). See Myth. Vat. i, 30; Livy, i, iv; Plutarch, Rom. iv; Dionys., Rom. Antiq. i, 84; and Servius, Aen. i, 273. Tertullian (Apologeticus xiii, 9) deplores the fact that so shameless a creature should be held in high esteem by the Romans.

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57, 5 ff. For a great variety of legends concerning the founding of Rome see Festus; Dionys., Rom. Antiq. i, passim; and Plutarch, Rom. i-ii. That here given is the most popular, although woefully incomplete.

57, 14-19 This is the most libellous of many cynical passages, and implies that Romulus was a cowardly wretch. In other accounts the Sabine women rush out with their children of their own accord, and plead with the men to desist from the unholy struggle: e.g., Ovid, Fasti iii, 206-224; Appian (Photius, fragm. v).

 [57, 22] Numa Populius] I.e., Numa Pompilius.

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References are to page and line; numbers in bold-face type indicate pages.

Abar [Abarim L], city in Africa 26, 24.

Acamas [Acglamasto L, Achamas Ri], Greek warrior 17, 19.

Acca, wife of Faustulus, formerly a courtesan 56, 23.

Achates [Agates L], Aeneas’ armiger 27, 1, 4; 29, 1; 31, 14, 17; 32, 7, 13; 33, 3, 6.

Achemenides [Achimedines L, Achimenides Ri], one of Odysseus’ band 23, 6, 13, 14, 16; 24, 8, 11.

Achilles [Achillis L], son of Peleus and Thetis 3, 1; 9, 18, 19; 10, 2, 6, 8, 15, 16, 21, 22; 11, 7, 11, 12, 16, 19, 26; 12, 4, 8, 11, 12, 15, 18, 24, 25, 28; 13, 2, 3, 5, 6, 9, 11, 12, 13; 14, 4; 19, 13; 20, 1; 24, 17.

Africanus [Affricanus Ri] (adj.), litus -um 26, 23; litora -a 30, 15.

Agamemnon [Agamenon Ri], co-ruler with Menelaus 7, 16, 21;9, 6, 15, 23, 24;10, 11, 19;11, 12-13, 14;13, 9, 17;23, 18.

Aiax Oileus (see Eas).

Aiax Telamonius [Aias et Tel- L, Aiax et Tel-, Aiax Dedamonius Ra], friend of Achilles 11, 27;13, 6.

Alba, Albana (see Albanus).

Albani 55, 19;57, 5.

Albanum, the Alban kingdom 55, 23, 25;57, 27.
For Alba 55, 16.

Albanus (adj.), -na civitas, urbs [Albano L Ra] (= Alba Longa), city founded by Postumus Silvius 39, 10, 24;55, 12, 14;57, 28.
Albana (alone) 39, 11, 12, 13.
Regnum -um 55, 20.

Alexander (also called Paris) 12, 30.

Allecto, Fury 41, 3.

Amata, wife of Latinus 53, 17, 20;54, 28.

Amazones, Amazone [Amazane Ri] 11, 20-21;45, 19.

Amulius [Amilius Ri], son of Procas 55, 26, 27;56, 1, 3, 7, 16;57, 1, 2, 4.

Anchises, father of Aeneas 17, 25;21, 16, 24;24, 23;29, 23, 24;37, 24;54, 20-21.

Androgeus, Greek 18, 16, 17, 19.

Andromache [Andromace L, Andromacha Ri], wife of Hector 24, 16;32, 11.

Anna, Dido’s sister and confidante 34, 5, 6;36, 24, 25;37, 8, 9.

Apollo [Appollo Ri], ‘musarum deus’ 3, 14;12, 23, 26, 30;13, 2;15, 6, 7, 11, 12, 19.

Argivi 25, 18 (Virg. quot. add. L2).

Argolicus (adj.), -as . . . latebras 16, 15 (Virg. quot.)

Arons, Arrons, one of Turnus’ band 45, 28;46, 4, 5.

Arpalice (= Harpalyce), apparently taken for common noun, ‘huntress’ 27, 12;34, 25.

Arphie [Alfie L, Alphie Ra] (= Harpyiae) 22, 22, 25.

Ascanius, Aschanius (20, 20), son of Aeneas 20, 20;21, 15, 24;24, 17, 19, 21;29, 24;32, 8, 12, 15, 16, 20, 25, 26;33, 3, 5;35, 3;36, 4;38, 26;39, 15, 17;41, 7;42, 2, 5, 8, 11;44, 14;52, 22;55, 5, 7, 10, 17, 22.

Asia [Asya Ri], 19, 25 (Virg. quot.).

Augustus, Cesar, first emperor 57, 23, 24.

Aurora, mother of Memnon 11, 23.

Aventinus (adj.), -us mons, one of Seven Hills 39, 8;40, 10;57, 5.

Briseida [Breseida Ra], concubine of Achilles 11, 13.

Cacus, son of Vulcan 40, 7.

Camilla, queen of the Amazons 45, 19, 22, 28;46, 1, 3.

Cartago, Carthago (37, 7), city founded by Dido 27, 27;28, 4, 14, 16, 20, 23, 24;35, 23;36, 6;37, 7;38, 5, 7.

Cassandra, daughter of Priam 18, 13;19, 8.

Castor, brother of Pollux and Helen 7, 19.

Celeno, queen of the Harpies 22, 23;23, 2.

Ceres, 20, 17;21, 1, 9, 19;29, 23.

Cesar(see Augustus).

Chiron 10, 29, 30;11, 4.

Christus 57, 25, 26.

Ciclops, designation of Polyphemus 23, 7;24, 9;
pl., discipuli of Vulcan 23, 8, 25;24, 12-13.

Clipea [Clippia L] 26, 24.

Corebus [Corevius L, Coreph, Coreb Ri], Trojan, betrothed to Cassandra 18, 13;19, 9.

Creusa, wife of Aeneas 20, 21;21, 10, 17.

Cupido [Copito L] 32, 14, 17, 22, 25;33, 3, 5.

Cyllenius (see Quillenius).

Danai, 16, 9, 10;19, 4;33, 12(Virg. quot.).

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Dardania, lux -ie (= Ascanius) 24, 20;
(= Aeneas) 31, 24.

Dardanius (adj.), -um . . . ducem (= Aeneas) 35, 22;
-ie carine 37, 2 (Virg. quot.).

Daunus (38, 14), Draunus, father of Turnus 38, 14;46, 23;48, 26;54, 20.

Deiopea [Deioppena Ri], nymph 26, 6 (Virg. quot.).

Diana 46, 3, 4, 5.

Didamia [Didemia Ra, Diademia Ri L2], daughter of Licomedes 9, 20-21;10, 13, 16;11, 6;13, 12.

Dido, founder and queen of Carthage 27, 27;28, 1, 14, 19, 21, 22, 26;29, 6, 8, 12;31, 14, 23, 27;32, 16, 19, 21, 22, 23;33, 18, 22, 25;34, 2, 3, 5, 11, 24, 25;35, 3, 6, 8, 9, 10, 13, 18;36, 8, 9, 10, 12, 18-19, 22, 26;37, 9;38, 5, 6, 10.

Diomedes [Dyomedes Ri], with Odysseus 9, 21, 29;10, 4, 7, 8, 11, 18;49, 5, 6, 7, 8, 14;51, 1, 2.

Discordia, goddess of strife 3, 15.

Dolopes 14, 4;33, 13 (Virg. quot.).

Drances [Dracens, Draces Ri], ambassador sent to Aeneas 49, 21;50, 15, 22, 26.

Draunus (see Daunus).

Eas [Eas dias, Emis (?) Ri] (= Aiax Oileus), friend of Achilles 11, 27;13, 5.
Aiax Oleus 25, 18 (Virg. quot. add. L2).

Ebbleus (see Epeos).

Eguba (see Hecuba).

Eneas, son of Venus and Anchises 17, 25; 18, 6, 17, 19; 19, 4, 12; 20, 6; 21, 5, 8, 17, 19, 24; 22, 4, 8, 18, 27; 23, 13; 24, 12, 17, 19, 20, 29; 25, 3, 6, 8, 9; 26, 10, 12, 21, 23; 27, 7, 16; 28, 8, 27; 29, 7, 10, 23; 30, 3, 7, 12, 16; 31, 14, 17, 19, 21, 22, 24, 26; 32, 6, 13, 15, 16, 19, 24; 33, 8, 10, 18, 22; 34, 2, 9, 11, 12, 24; 35, 2, 6, 9, 13, 19; 36, 6, 7, 9, 14, 15, 23, 25, 26; 37, 9, 12, 20, 23, 24; 38, 19; 39, 12, 14, 25; 40, 1, 2, 4, 12, 14, 23, 27; 41, 1, 2, 5, 6, 13, 14, 15; 42, 2; 43, 3; 44, 11, 16, 19, 20, 21, 22, 24; 45, 2, 3, 21, 24, 26; 46, 9, 13, 14, 17, 21, 27, 29; 47, 2, 6, 8, 9, 17, 19, 20, 21, 23; 48, 2, 4, 6, 8, 12, 18; 49, 8, 10, 11, 16, 19, 21, 24; 50, 6, 7, 15, 19; 51, 9, 12, 14, 19, 21, 22; 52, 4, 5, 15, 16, 17, 21, 26, 30, 34; 53, 2, 3, 6, 7, 14, 30, 31; 54, 7, 9, 11, 12, 15, 16, 18, 21, 22, 23, 30; 55, 1, 2, 4, 5, 9, 12, 21.

Eneydes, Eneides, Liber -um 20, 6;57, 29 (Ri).

Eolia, home of Eolus 25, 18.

Eolus [Eulus, Elus L], ruler of the winds 24, 28;25, 1, 19;26, 1, 7.

Epeos [Ebleus L, Ebbleus Ra], maker of the wooden horse 17, 19.

Esione (see Hesione).

Ethiopus [theupe Ra] (adj.), -e . . . Aurore 11, 22.

Ethna [Ethneus L, Etneus, Hetneus Ri], mountain in Sicily 23, 23.

Eurialus [Aurialus, Auxialus Ri], friend of Ascanius 42, 2, 6;43, 2, 9, 21, 23;44, 11.

Eurus 26, 15.

Evander, ruler in the Seven Hills 38, 28, 29;39, 6, 7, 19, 22, 25;40, 4, 5, 12, 23, 26;41, 1, 3, 8;42, 4;44, 16, 23, 24;45, 24;48, 13, 17;54, 22.

Excidium Troiae [Liber Exitium Troye Ri], incipit 3, 1;
explicit 57, 29 (Ra).

Fata, the Fates 53, 1, 2, 5, 6, 8.

Faunus, father of Latinus 38, 12.

Faustulus [Fastulus Ri], shepherd 56, 22, 23.

Frigius (adj.) (= Phrygius), -io marito (= Aeneas) 32, 5 (Virg. quot.).

Ganimedes, ‘rapti -is honores’ 5, 13 (Virg. quot.).

Getulus [Getholus L] (adj.), -um Iarbam 31, 7.

Greci 7, 8, 9;14, 2, 22, 23;15, 2, 24;17, 20;23, 6;29, 21;37, 26.

Grecia 7, 4, 11, 15.

Harpalyce (see Arpalice).

Harpyiae (see Arphie).

Hector, son of Priam 7, 6;11, 11, 15, 16, 17, 25, 29;12, 2, 5, 7, 11;18, 1, 2, 6;19, 20;24, 16, 20;49, 11.

Hecuba, Eguba (19, 18) [Heccuba Ri], queen of Priam 4, 1;11, 30;12, 13;19, 18.

Helena, daughter of Jupiter and Leda, wife of Menelaus 7, 17, 19, 25, 26;8, 23, 26;32, 10.

Hercules 40, 6, 9, 11, 13.

Hesione [Esione Ra, Essione Ri], Priam’s sister 7, 7, 10.

Hostia, city in Italy 37, 15;40, 20;41, 7, 9.

Hostiensis, civibus -ibus 38, 19.

Iacolens [Jaculen Ri] (= Ianiculum), one of the Seven Hills 39, 8.

Iarbas [Inarbas L, Iarbus Ra], African king 28, 4;31, 7;35, 13.

Ida [Ita L, Ydai Ra], mother of the Nereids; apparently an invented name, from which Nereidae is supposed to derive 3, 4, 5.

Ida (see Ideus).

Idalius (adj.), -io monte 33, 1.

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Ideus (adj.), -eum montem, Mount Ida 3, 25.

Idmos (= Idmon), messenger of Aeneas 53, 29.

Ilia (also called Rea), daughter of Numitor 39, 9;56, 7, 10, 13, 14.

Ilioneus [Elioneos L], companion of Aeneas 29, 15, 20.

Ilium [Ylium Ri] 18, 5;26, 3 (Virg. quot.).

Ioturna, sister of Turnus 52, 12, 13, 16, 31;53, 11.

Iovis (also called Iupiter) 3, 10, 21;26, 7, 13, 14;27, 24;33, 24;34, 13;35, 15;52, 30, 34.

Italia [Ytalia Ri] 20, 10;24, 26;26, 3;27, 9;28, 11;29, 27;30, 6, 11;36, 2;37, 14;38, 8;46, 22.

Iulus (= Ascanius) 25, 10 (Virg. quot.).

Iulus [Iulius Ra], son of Ascanius 55, 18, 21.

Iuno 3, 15;4, 23, 31;5, 2, 15;9, 9;24, 27;25, 17, 18;26, 7, 10;28, 19, 22, 26;29, 10;34, 11, 13, 16, 17, 19, 24;35, 5;36, 24;38, 3;41, 2, 12;46, 8, 11, 13, 16, 18;48, 23;52, 30, 33;53, 5, 9, 10.

Iupiter [Iuppiter L] (also called Iovis) 3, 9, 11, 13, 22;4, 21;7, 18;20, 9;26, 18;29, 16;30, 14;31, 24;35, 16;36, 5;52, 32, 34;53, 1, 5, 32.

Laomedon [Laudomedon L, Laumedon Ra], father of Priam 7, 7.

Latina [Latinia Ri] (for Latona) 43, 16.

Latinus, king in Italy 38, 11, 13, 24, 29;40, 16, 19;43, 6, 7;44, 21;45, 5, 19, 20;48, 20, 27, 28;49, 4, 14-15, 22;50, 7, 28;51, 2, 6, 7, 10, 15, 23, 29;53, 17;54, 28, 30;55, 1, 2.

Latinus (adj.), -na urbs 43, 8.

Laucoon [Laocoon L, Laucaon Ri], priest of Neptune 16, 5, 7, 14-15, 17, 20, 24, 25.

Laurentinus (adj.), -a civitas 41, 4;44, 21;45, 21-22;48, 9, 19-20;50, 10;51, 10;52, 27-28;53, 15;54, 5, 30.
-a urbs 40, 16;53, 35;55, 5-6, 8.
-um regnum 50, 24;55, 20.

Lausus, son of Mezentius 45, 18;47, 5.

Lavinia, daughter of Latinus and Amata 38, 15, 24;39, 12;40, 19;41, 6;46, 22;48, 10, 22, 25;50, 21, 26;51, 10;53, 17, 18, 26;54, 2, 19;55, 1, 7, 11, 17, 21.

Lavinia (for Lavinium, q.v.).

Lavinium, city 55, 22.
Urbem -iam, 55, 3.
Lavinia, 55, 6.

Leda, mother of Helen, Castor, and Pollux 7, 17.

Leneus (adj.), -eum . . . honorem 35, 17 (Virg. quot.).

Libia 27, 22;35, 10.

Libicus [Libicius L, Libiacus Ra] (adj.), virginibus -cis 27, 22.

Liburnus (adj.), -no litrino, vessel in which Dido is buried 37, 11.

Licomedes [Licemedes L, Ligomedes, Nichomedes Ra], king 9, 20, 22;10, 17;11, 4, 9;13, 11.

Macaon [Magaon L, Machaon Ri], Greek warrior 17, 19.

Mars 4, 15, 16, 17, 19;31, 19;35, 2;53, 20;56, 13, 19, 20.

Maurusius (adj.), -sia . . . gens, Iarbas’ people 35, 16. (Virg. quot.).

Memnon [Agamemnon Ri], son of Aurora 11, 22.

Menelaus [Melaus Ra, Menlaus Ri], co-ruler with Agamemnon 7, 16, 17, 19, 21;9, 6, 15, 23, 24;10, 12, 19;11, 13;13, 9, 17;17, 19;23, 18.

Mercurius 3, 14;35, 21;36, 5, 6.

Mezentius, ally of Turnus 45, 6, 7, 13, 17, 22;46, 29;47, 1, 5, 13, 24;48, 1, 2-3, 4, 8, 12-13.

Minerva 3, 15;4, 23, 28;5, 3, 16;9, 9, 16;13, 17, 21, 22;15, 14, 16, 19;16, 3, 4;17, 14;53, 35;54, 3, 4.

Myrmidones 33, 13 (Virg. quot.).

Neoptolimus [Neoptulimus L, Neobtolimus Ra] (also called Pyrrhus and Pelides, q.v.), son of Achilles 17, 19.

Neptunus 3, 13-14;11, 20;15, 17;16, 5, 19, 21;17, 2, 6, 14;26, 15.

Nereide [Nereite, Nereidees L, Nereyde Ra] (= Nereides), supposed (by false etymology) to be daughters of Nereus and Ida 3, 2, 3, 5, 7.

Nereus 3, 4, 5.

Nisus, companion of Ascanius 42, 1, 5;43, 2, 9, 14, 22, 23;44, 11.

Numa Populius [Neuma Polimius Ra, Numina Pamfilius Ri] (= Numa Pompilius) 57, 22.

Numitor [Numitus, Numiter L, Mimitor Ri], son of Procas 55, 26, 27;56, 2, 3, 5, 6;57, 4, 27.

Odisseus [Odiseus Ri] (also called Ulixes, q.v.) 9, 21, 28;10, 4, 7, 11, 18;23, 17, 22, 27;24, 4, 5, 9.

Olimphus 34, 15.

Palamedes, king 14, 10-11, 22.

Palinurus [Planinurus Ra], pilot 25, 5;26, 27.

Pallas, son of Evander 40, 3;44, 23;45, 1, 23, 26;48, 11, 13, 16, 18;54, 22, 26.

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Pallas [Palamedes L] (also called Minerva), divine -adis arte 14, 8 (Virg. quot.).

Panthus, Trojan priest 20, 12.

Paris [Pares L] (also called Alexander), son of Priam and Hecuba 3, 25, 27, 28;4, 11, 13, 15, 17, 23, 27, 28, 32;5, 6, 12, 15, 16, 18, 19;6, 1, 23;7, 6, 10, 15, 20, 24, 26, 29;8, 4, 6, 10, 20, 22, 25, 29, 30, 33;9, 2, 9, 11, 12;13, 1;24, 27.

Patroclus, friend of Achilles 11, 16, 17.

Peleus, father of Achilles 3, 11;9, 18;10, 22.

Pelides (see also Neoptolimus), Pelides Neoptolimus 17, 19.

Penates 20, 14.

Pentasilea [petente Silea Ra], Amazon queen 11, 20.

Pergama, prolapsa -ma 19, 24 (Virg. quot.).

Picus, son of Saturn 38, 12.

Pigmalion, Dido’s brother 28, 1-2;30, 21-22.

Polidorus [Polidurus L, Polidarius Ri], son of Priam 22, 11.

Polifemus [Pulifemus L, Pollifernus Ri], Cyclops 23, 7, 15, 26, 28;24, 9.

Polites (see Ypolites).

Polixena, daughter of Priam 11, 30;12, 7, 12, 18, 22, 25;20, 1, 4.

Pollux, brother of Castor and Helen 7, 19.

Pompilius (see Populius).

Populius, Numa (see Numa Populius).

Postumus Silvius [Postumius L Ra], son of Aeneas and Lavinia 39, 12;55, 21.
Postumus (alone) 55, 10, 11, 16, 19, 22-23.

Priamus, king of Troy, son of Laomedon 3, 28;7, 5;8, 13;9, 13;11, 11, 30;12, 9, 10, 13;13, 6, 25;14, 18;17, 4, 25;19, 14, 16, 20, 22, 23, 26;20, 21;22, 11;29, 25;37, 25.

Procax, Alban king 55, 25, 27.

Pyrrus [Pirrus Ra, Pirus Ri] (see also Pelides and Neoptolimus), son of Achilles 10, 14, 15, 17;11, 9;13, 12, 13;19, 13, 14, 21, 22;20, 2;24, 17.

Quillenius [Quilius L, Quilinus Ra] (= Cyllenius, also called Mercurius, q.v.) 35, 21.

Ramnes [Samnes Ra], Turnus’ soothsayer 42, 18, 21, 28;43, 3;44, 5.

Rea (also called Ilia), daughter of Numitor 56, 7, 9, 13.

Remus, brother of Romulus 56, 15, 21.

Roma 39, 9;40, 11;56, 15;57, 5, 19, 29.

Romani 57, 21, 28.

Romanus (adj.), -us populus 57, 20.

Romulus 39, 9;56, 15, 21;57, 2, 4, 14, 19, 21.

Rutili (= Rutuli) 44, 1.

Sabini 57, 9.

Sabinienses [Savinienses L Ri] 57, 8, 10, 16.

Samandradi, gloss on Samothracia 22, 2 (Ri).

Samothracia 22, 2.

Saturnus, father of Picus 38, 12.

Sergestus (for Aegestus), son of Numitor 56, 6-7, 8.

Sicheus, husband of Dido 28, 1;30, 20;37, 11.

Sicilia [Cicilia Ra] 23, 5, 23;24, 14, 23;30, 5;31, 2;37, 12.

Sidon 28, 3.
Tiro Sidone 30, 19.

Sidonius (adj.), -ia Dido 27, 27;28, 19, 26.

Silvius (see Postumus Silvius).

Sinon, kinsman of Palamedes 14, 11, 12, 16, 22;15, 3, 22, 23, 25;17, 6, 16, 21.

Siracusa 31, 3.

Sol 52, 6.

Stenelus [Stenalus Ri], Greek warrior 17, 18.

Stigius (adj.), -iam . . . paludem 25, 13 (Virg. quot.).

Stix [Stigie L] 10, 24.

Sydonienses 28, 2.

Tarpeius, one of the Seven Hills 39, 8.

Telamonius (see Aiax Telamonius).

Tenedos, island 13, 20, 23, 24, 26;14, 1, 8;16, 2, 22;17, 21.

Tessandrus [Texandrus Ra], Greek warrior 17, 18.

Terra 52, 6.

Teucri 16, 11;18, 5;23, 11 (Virg. quot.).

Thetis [Tetis Ra Ri], a Nereid, mother of Achilles 3, 1, 8, 11;9, 18;10, 22;11, 1.

Thiro (for Tyros) 37, 8 (Virg. quot.).

Tiberinus, Tiburinus (37, 20) (adj.), -us fluvius, -um flumen 37, 20;38, 20, 25;39, 21;40, 20;55, 13.

Tiberius 57, 25.

Tirius (adj.), -ie Cartaginis 35, 23.

Tirrenus [Tyrrenus Ri], (adj.), -um . . . equor 26, 2 (Virg. quot.).

Tirus (adj.) (see also Thiro and Tyrus), -o Sidone 30, 19.

Toas [Thoas Ri], Greek warrior 17, 19.

Tracia [Traicus L, Traycus Ri] 22, 12;49, 5.

Troes 18, 5 (Virg. quot.).

Troia [Troya Ri] 3, 25;4, 2, 4, 6;5, 14, 15, 17, 20, 21, 25, 27;6, 26;9, 10, 11, 12, 15, 18, 25;10, 12, 13, 15, 18, 20;11, 9, 11, 13;13, 11, 14, 18, 19, 21;14, 8, 10, 11, 13, 15, 19;15, 4, 18;16, 2, 16;17, 1, 13, 15, 16, 21, 24, 25;18, 4;19, 20, 24;20, 7, 14;21, 9, 26, 27;23, 18, 19;24, 18;28, 10, 27;29, 2, 4, 20;30, 2, 4;33, 9, 16;37, 25;38, 1;49, 10, 11.
Excidium -ae, 3, 1;57, 29.

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Troianus [Troyanus Ri], applied to Aeneas 34, 7;41, 5;49, 8.
Troiani 3, 28;8, 19;9, 5;11, 11, 24;14, 1, 19;16, 26;21, 4, 22-23;24, 28;29, 14;37, 25;51, 3.

Troianus (adj.), -as opes 33, 11; civis -us 37,24; -e . . . gentis 55,25.

Tunicus [Heliagus L, Tirias Ra] (adj.), -as opes 32, 3 (Virg. quot.?).

Turnus, ally of Latinus 38, 14, 15;40, 17;41, 3, 12, 15;42, 1, 13, 15, 18, 20, 25;43, 6-7;44, 4, 10, 14, 18, 20;45, 5, 22, 24, 25;46, 1, 8, 10, 11, 12, 17, 27, 29;48, 8, 22;49, 2, 3;50, 4, 19, 22, 26;51, 12, 14, 20, 22, 30;52, 12, 13, 28, 31;53, 2, 6, 10, 12, 13, 16, 18, 19, 22, 26, 31;54, 1, 4, 7, 9, 14, 16, 17, 21, 23, 24, 28.

Tydides 15, 21 (Virg. quot. add. L).

Tyrus (see also Thiro and Tirius) 28, 3.
Tiro Sidone 30, 19.

Ulixes (also called Odisseus) 17, 18;23, 6, 14, 16;33, 14.

Vaticanus, one of the Seven Hills 39, 8.

Velinus (adj.), portus . . . -os 25, 11 (Virg. quot.).

Venulus 49, 6, 7-8, 14, 15;51, 1, 5.

Venus 3, 15;4, 23;5, 4, 10, 17;6, 28;7, 1, 11, 25;8, 2, 20;9, 2;17;25;27, 12, 21;29, 23, 27;32, 14, 26;33, 1;34, 12, 17, 18;37, 24;52, 23, 34;53, 8, 9.

Virgilianus (adj.), -na lingua 14, 3-4.

Virgilius, citations of, 13, 23;16, 6;17, 9;18, 1;19, 23;25, 17;33, 9, 23;54, 12.

Vulcanus, ‘deus ignis’ 23, 23, 25;40, 7.

Vulcens [Ulisses, Ulscentes Ri] 43, 6, 8, 13, 19-20;44, 8.

Ypolites (=Polites), son of Priam 19, 14.

Zephirus 26, 16 (pl., as common noun?) 35, 22.

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[The following names occur in the catalogue of Aeneas’ allies found in MS Ri only,41,1 (cf. Aen. X,166-203)]